Study on Meanings of ‘The Word (Language)’ Appearing in the Bible -focused on psychoanalytic reading (interpretation) of meanings of ‘the Word’ appearing in 「The Gospel of John」

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 263-305
Author(s):  
Eun Ae Lee
2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-109
Author(s):  
Levente Balázs Martos

The concept of motivation is related to the encouraging effect on others on the one hand and the reasons for our own actions on the other. Motivation always reflects a specific set of values and tools, as well as behavior. In our short study, some of the fundamental values characteristic of the Bible will be presented, and then we observe the motivating presence of Jesus for his disciples in the narration of the fourth gospel, the Gospel of John.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Roy Martin Simanjuntak

The issue of Christology from time to time is one very interesting theological topics to be discussed, both in intellectual circles, even church leaders in communities grow together in a group of local churches. The spread understanding or information about Christology are numerous and easy to find, therefore believers should to select sources so as not to cause a false understanding that led to the loss of the substance of Christology. It’s inevitable that people who are in this modern era of greatly affect the issue and the development of Christology. This discussion includes the concept Christology from the Bible, and then outlines how where fathers or figures of Christian thinkers to formulate it in a Christian doctrine that Christians are ultimately used in the history of Christianity. Christology that comes from understanding the Bible is acceptable and justified by the believer. In particular, in the Gospel of John is very fullgar when talking about Christology, both His nature as well as the work of God and man and his mission for the salvation of mankind. Abstrak Persoalan Kristologi dari zaman ke zaman merupakan sala satu topik teologi yang sangat menarik untuk dibahas, baik di kalangan intelektual, pemimpin jemaat bahkan juga di komunitas-komunitas kelompok tumbuh bersama dalam sebuah gereja lokal. Pemahaman-pemahaman yang beredar atau informasi tentang Kristologi sangatlah banyak dan mudah untuk menemukannya, oleh karenanya orang percaya mestinya menyeleksi sumber tersebut sehingga tidak menimbulkan pemahaman yang keliru dan berujung pada hilangnya substansi Kristologi tersebut. Tidak bisa dipungkiri bahwa masyarakat yang berada dalam era modern ini sangat mempengaruhi isu dan perkembangan Kristologi. Pembahasan ini meliputi konsep Kristologi yang bersumber dari Alkitab, dan kemudian menguraikan bagaimana bapa-bapa gereja atau tokoh-tokoh pemikir Kristen merumuskannya dalam sebuah doktrin Kristen yang akhirnya dipakai orang Kristen dalam sepanjang sejarah kekristenan. Kristologi yang bersumber dari Alkitab merupakan pemahaman yang dapat diterima dan dibenarkan oleh orang percaya. Secara khusus Injil Yohanes sangat terbuka membahas tentang Kristologi, baik hakikatNya sebagai Allah dan manusia maupun karya dan misiNya untuk keselamatan umat manusia.


Author(s):  
H.F. Stander

Recently, studies have illustrated that honour and shame were core values in the Mediterranean world in general and in the Bible too. These studies usually resort to classical sources to support the claims being made. Modern scholars, who take the historical-critical approach seriously, have come to realize the importance of reading the Bible according to its appropriate cultural context, which of necessity includes an appreciation of honour and shame as social core values. However, the article shows that patristic sources have been neglected by many scholars who study the social values of the ancient world. This article illustrates the importance of these values for patristic authors. John Chrysostom’s homilies on the Gospel of John are used as an example to prove how he employed values such as honour and shame as exegetical keys to unlock the meaning of John’s gospel.


Traditio ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 71 ◽  
pp. 203-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALEXANDER ANDRÉE

The traditional account of the development of theology in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries is that the emerging “academic” discipline of theology was separated from the Bible and its commentary, that the two existed on parallel but separate courses, and that the one developed in a “systematic” direction whereas the other continued to exist as a separate “practical” or “biblical-moral” school. Focusing largely on texts of an allegedly “theoretical” nature, this view misunderstands or, indeed, entirely overlooks the evidence issuing from lectures on the Bible — postills, glosses, and commentaries — notably the biblical Glossa “ordinaria.” A witness to an alternative understanding, Peter Comestor, master and chancellor of the cathedral school of Paris in the second half of the twelfth century, shows that theology was created as much from the continued study of the Bible as from any “systematic” treatise. Best known for his Historia scholastica, a combined explanation and rewrite of the Bible focusing on the historical and literal aspects of sacred history, Comestor used the Gloss as a textbook in his lectures on the Gospels both to elucidate matters of exegesis and to help him deduce doctrinal truth. Through a close reading of Comestor's lectures on the Gospel of John, this essay reevaluates the teaching of theology at the cathedral school of Paris in the twelfth century and argues that the Bible and its Gloss stood at the heart of this development.


Traditio ◽  
1987 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 215-235
Author(s):  
Donald F. Duclow

A common view of medieval thought focuses on the separation of speculative thought from biblical exegesis which occurs with the rise of the universities. Whereas in the patristic era and the early Middle Ages theology and exegesis formed a unity, the introduction of Aristotle and the techniques of quaestio and disputatio detached theology from the study of scriptural texts. The results were twofold: theology attained a new autonomy and a distinctive form in the summa, and exegesis — free of the demands of theological speculation — could pursue a more literal and historical style of interpretation. Whatever the historical accuracy of this view, it has certainly shaped modern scholarship on medieval thought. Theologians and philosophers have focused on summae and disputed questions to such an extent that the Leonine edition of Thomas Aquinas has yet to publish his major Commentary on the Gospel of John. Since Thomas is considered first of all a theologian, not an exegete, his biblical commentaries have been accorded less interest and attention than his systematic works. In contrast, students of medieval exegesis may so emphasize literal and historical interpretation that they exclude or dismiss commentaries that are speculative or mystical. Beryl Smalley's The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages represents this trend, as it devotes little attention to Bernard of Clairvaux but concentrates on commentators like Guerric of St. Quentin, who gave ‘his attention to the literal sense first and foremost.’


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 78-88
Author(s):  
Rencan Carisma Marbun

AbstractIn the Bible, we do not see the description of pain and healing as we haveencountered in the world of medicine. However, from a number of terms thebackground or meaning can be known. In the Old Testament, sickness is due to someone experiencing in their body something incomplete, or “badevents”. He does not experience normal bodily and mental life, perhaps due to infection, imbalance (harmony), or backward health, so he is called sick (holi). We see that healing is one of the responsibilities that humans can do for people who suffer from illness. The role of doctor and his remedybecomes and seems to indicate his responsibility towards the sufferingperson, who is deficient in reaffirming the people (cf. the term “hzk piel” in Jeremiah 30:21; 34: 4). In the New Testament, we do not find theimpression of illness arising as a sign of God's punishment, but instead inJesus’ ministry, He healed people, a sign of reestablishing the order of life with God (cf. Luke 4:18). Healing is generally an act or a way to heal the sick, and it can also be mentioned that healing is divine. Healing in Greek is called in the plural meaning the gifts of healing. The healing of miracles in the Gospel of John emphasizes the dynamic work of God and the sign (Greek: semeia) of His power. Disease is not only a result of sin, but also shows God’s work (9:3). So it is clear that healing miracles is not only valid individually, locally, or temporarily physical meaning, but also in general, provision and spiritual.Keywords: Healing, Congregation


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 54-72
Author(s):  
Leszek Misiarczyk

This article is on the comparison of two biblical manuscripts of the twelfth century from Plock, namely the so-called Bible of Plock and Evangeliar of Princess Anastasia with two Mosan biblical manuscripts: Evangeliar of Averbode and the Biblia Universa transcribed in the same period. The first three texts: Beatissimo Papae Damaso (Novum opus), Prologus quatuor evangeliorum (Plures fuisse) and Iheronimus Damaso Pape (Sciendum etiam) – the last one is not in the Bible of Plock - and Evangeliar of Princess Anastasia are of St. Jerome. In contrast, the introduction to the Synoptic Gospels: Argumentum secundum Matheum, Prologus in Marco and Prologus sancti Evangelii secundum Lucam are not the texts of St. Jerome, as is sometimes mistakenly repeated by different scholars, but belong to Sedulius Scottus, an Irish monk and poet who lived and worked in a school in Leodium in the ninth century, and the introduction to the Gospel of John: Prephatio in Evangelium secundum Iohannem was written by Bede the Venerable. While the texts of Jerome were quite commonly used in biblical medieval manuscripts, the fact that the introductions to the Synoptic Gospels are written by Sedulius Scottus and are present in both the Bible of Plock as well as partially in Evangeliar of Princess Anastasia is a very strong argument for the Mosan origin of the biblical manuscripts of Plock from the twelfth century. Comparative analysis of the texts themselves clearly leads to several important conclusions. First, the Bible of Plock and Evangeliar of Princess Anastasia are closer to the version of the text preserved in the Biblia Universa, a codex written in the monastery of Sancti Trudonis, than to Evangeliar of Averbode. It follows that the sources for the biblical manuscripts of Plock from the twelfth century should be searched at Mosan Benedictine monasteries, perhaps in the very monastery Sancti Trudonis near Liège. Second, the Gospel of Mark generally follows the version of the text preserved in the Biblia Universa and the Bible of Plock but not all the time. It should therefore be hoped that further comparative studies, especially the version of the biblical text, would confirm this relationship and will help determine whether the codex was written in the Mosan region or is a copy of the Bible of Plock made on the spot. Thirdly, and this is an extremely interesting proposal, Evangeliar of Princess Anastasia, not counting minor copyist changes like the conversion of - tium to - cium, is very much dependent on the Bible of Plock. If, as it is confirmed by records of the miracles, the Bible was already in Plock in 1148 or before that date, it is very likely that Evangeliar of Princess Anastasia, would be a copy of the text made on the spot in a local Plock scriptorium as a foundation of Boleslaw Kedzierzawy and a votive offering for the salvation of his deceased wife Anastasia. The codex would therefore arise after her death, dating back to the year 1158 in Plock in the time of Bishop Werner and would not have been brought by him following his trip to Aachen.These conclusions, for obvious reasons, are only preliminary, as comparsion of the texts are not fully detailed and fuller conclusions will be presented only after benchmarking a version of the biblical text of the four Gospels. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-162
Author(s):  
RAISSA DE GRUTTOLA

AbstractThe importance of the Mandarin Union Version for the Protestant Churches in China can be compared to the relevance acquired by the Sigao Shengjing 思高聖經 for Chinese speaking Catholics soon after its publication. The 1919 Union Version was the result of a collaboration among Protestants after a century of separation and many lone translations, while the 1968 Sigao Bible was the first version of the Bible in Chinese completed by Catholics.1 This translation project was undertaken in 1935 by the Franciscan missionary Gabriele Allegra.The purpose of this paper is to analyze and compare these two noteworthy versions. A brief introduction will present the translation process of the Union Version and of the Sigao Bible. Subsequently, some handwritten documents of Gabriele Allegra will be analyzed, to outline his attitude towards the missionary activity and the translations of the Protestants. Thereafter, some passages from the Gospel of John in the two versions will be examined and compared to analyze the features of the two translations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-171
Author(s):  
Carla Falluomini

Abstract The Gothic translation of the Bible is a word-for-word rendition of a lost Greek Vorlage (reconstructed by W. Streitberg in 1908; 2nd revised edition in 1919). As previous studies have pointed out, one of the most interesting features of this version is the presence of the overt subject pronoun in instances where there is a null subject in Greek. Considering that Gothic is a null subject language, how is it possible to justify this feature? Based on a new collation that uses biblical textual witnesses not considered by Streitberg (i.e. Greek majuscule and minuscule manuscripts, Church Fathers, commentaries, lectionaries, and Vetus Latina manuscripts), this paper analyses the Gothic-Greek divergences involving the presence of the overt subject pronoun in the Gospel of John, in order to verify previous hypotheses and shed new light on this debated topic.


2006 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 297-306
Author(s):  
Alison Jack

In this paper, I argue that the influence of John's Gospel on R. L. Stevenson's novel The Master of Ballantrae is significant on several levels. On the level of narrative, I show that both texts are narrated from a perspective which shifts uneasily from omniscience to uncertainty. John's Gospel, particularly its closing chapters, offers a powerful model for the telling of the story of The Master of Ballantrae. The reliability both of Mr MacKellar, the novel's narrator, and of the mysterious editor of the material which makes up John's Gospel, is open to question. On the level of plot, the death, burial and ‘resurrection’ of James Durie, the ‘Master’, at least on one reading of the novel's title, mirrors the death, burial and resurrection of the Johannine Christ. This is no straightforward importation of one set of ideas onto another, rather an imaginative and sophisticated retelling of the climax of the Gospel story. Finally, on the level of characterisation, several of the characters in The Master of Ballantrae share features with players in the Gospel narrative, particularly those who appear in the Passion and resurrection scenes. Pilate's vacillations and Thomas's doubts flesh out our understanding of the characters who witness the death throes of the warring Durie brothers.Robert Louis Stevenson had grown up hearing the Bible read at home and in church. Despite rejecting the faith of his parents in his twenties, he nevertheless continued to be drawn to the images and cadences of the Bible, and particularly of the Gospels. The relationship between The Master of Ballantrae and John's Gospel is not one of simple dependence: but the influence of the Gospel on the novel, I argue, is clear and distinctive.


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