Lexical reduplication and affective contents

2011 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 148-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniela Rossi

The purpose of this paper is to investigate how the use of a linguistic form (lexical reduplication) can communicate affective contents. Lexical reduplication, understood as the intentional repetition of a word, is defined as a pattern XX used to convey, on the one hand, a content which differs from the “basic” meaning of X by involving, for instance, intensification, narrowing, or expansion, and, on the other hand, an affective content that results from the evaluation of the state of affairs at hand. To test reduplication as well as the derivation of affective contents linked to its use, I have relied on a recognition task: after hearing a short story, participants were asked if the items presented on the screen occurred in the story or not. The results obtained suggest that the formal pattern of reduplication plays the role of a trigger.

2012 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacques P. Leider

What these four quite different books broadly share is a focus on the role of the state in Myanmar society. Current scholarship describes the authoritarian state in Myanmar, which has been controlled by the army since 1962, as either dominantly present or neglectfully absent. Censorship and the repression of autonomous spaces in society, on the one hand, and the failure of the state to enforce efficient health and environmental policies, on the other, are keywords in these works that illustrate the double-faced appearance of the state's existence and role in society.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 450-470 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katrin Maier ◽  
Simon Coleman

AbstractWe explore the tensions evident among Nigerian Pentecostals in London between social and ideological insularity on the one hand, and a more outward-oriented, expansive orientation on the other. Analysis of these stances is complemented by the exploration of believers' actions within a material but also metaphorical arena that we term “London-Lagos.” Such themes are developed specifically through a focus on believers' relations with Nigerian and British state systems in relation to child-rearing—an activity that renders parents sometimes dangerously visible to apparatuses of the state but also raises key dilemmas concerning the proper and moral location of socialisation into Christian values. We show how such dilemmas are embodied in a play, written by a Nigerian Pentecostalist, termed “The Vine-Keepers.”


2021 ◽  

This volume researches concepts of direct, participatory and deliberative democracy, their structures and procedures, and the role of actors. On the one hand, the volume focuses on questions of institutionalisation and the context sensitivity of participation-centred procedures in European federal and regional states. On the other hand, the volume addresses the question of the role that actors at the supranational level play or can play in the renewal of democratic processes. The state of research and its findings in theoretical and empirical democracy research provide the overarching conceptual framework for the volume. With contributions by Elisabeth Alber, Eva Maria Belser, Peter Bussjäger, Carmen Descamps, Annegret Eppler, Anna Gamper, Andreas Kiefer, Karl Kössler, Sabine Kropp, Olaf Leiße, Melanie Plangger, Julian Plottka, Wolf J. Schünemann, Christoph Schramek, Teija Tiilikainen, Jens Woelk and Carolin Zwilling.


Seminar.net ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Theo Hug ◽  
Reinhold Madritsch

Digitization initiatives in the field of education always correspond with developments in the education industry. In recent years, globally networked development dynamics have emerged that are essentially characterized by an education-industrial complex and are also relevant in Austria. While on the one hand the corona-induced developmental boosts of 'digital' education are welcomed, especially in edtech contexts, on the other hand the international discourses on the problematic role of the global education industry can no longer be ignored. This contribution ties in with these discourses and explores the current state of affairs in Austria. The lack of alternatives to an innovation path, which is often suggested by industry, education policy and education technology, is questioned.


Artifex Novus ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 4-19
Author(s):  
Jerzy Kochanowski

Abstrakt: W konkluzji partyjnej komisji wysłanej w 1972 r. do Zakopanego stwierdzano, że „państwo w Zakopanem zostało postawione w sytuacji gorszej niż w kapitalizmie, bowiem zostało zepchnięte na pozycje nawet nie nocnego stróża, ale bezpłatnego dróżnika i zamiatacza ulic”. Na tę swoistą „autonomię Podhala miały wpływ uwarunkowania historyczne, społeczne, kulturowe i geograficzne, typowe dla społeczeństw (wysoko)górskich na całym świecie. Z drugiej strony ważnym aktorem było pod Tatrami również państwo, które od początku lat 50. do końca lat 80. XX w. próbowało objąć ścisłym nadzorem turystykę i sport, sektory decydujące o wizerunku i znaczeniu Zakopanego i regionu tatrzańskiego. Polityka taka napotykała jednak na szczeblu regionalnym na bardzo silne ograniczenia i sprzeciwy. Z jednej strony przyczyną tego stanu rzeczy były specyficzne sieci społeczne łączące sektor prywatny ze strukturami samorządowymi, państwowymi i partyjnymi, a nawet z milicją i wymiarem sprawiedliwości. Z drugiej zaś tylko dzięki przymknięciu oczu na często sprzeczną z obowiązującym prawem aktywność gospodarczą aktorów społecznych, zarówno górali, jak i przyjezdnych, było możliwe – przy niewydolności organizacyjnej państwa – zaspokajanie rosnących błyskawicznie po 1956 r. potrzeb modernizującego się społeczeństwa na usługi rekreacyjne. Dopiero w pierwszej połowie lat 70. socjalistyczne państwo było w stanie, dzięki zwiększonemu finansowaniu, zapewnić w miarę racjonalny rozwój infrastruktury turystycznej (np. Hotel Kasprowy). Jednak już od drugiej połowy lat 70. strukturalny kryzys systemu i w następnej dekadzie jego całkowita dezintegracja doprowadziły do sytuacji, w której instytucje państwowe musiały ustąpić pola aktorom społecznym. Summary: The conclusion of the state commission addressed in 1972 to Zakopane was: “in Zakopane, the state is in a position worse than in capitalism. It has been reduced to the role of not even a night-watchman, but of an unpaid street-sweeper”. The peculiar “autonomy” of Podhale-Region was affected by historical, social, cultural and geographical conditions that are usually mentioned, on the other hand the state was also an important actor and nowise ambiguous. The tendency to take a strict supervision of sectors decisive for the image and the importance of Zakopane and the Tatra region – tourism and sport, existed at the central level since the mid of ‘50s to the ‘80s, but at the regional level, the policy encountered very strong limitations. On the one hand, the reason for that was the emergence of specific social networks linking the private sector with the structures of local government, state and party, or even with the police and judicatory, on the other only thanks to them it was possible – under the organizational inefficiency of the state – to fulfill the modernizing society needs for leisure and related services, that were instantly growing after 1956. Only in the first half of 70s the socialist state was able to provide a relatively rational program, thanks to being an influential factor for modernization mostly thanks to still being in disposal of material resources. However, in the period of disintegration of the system, in the end of ‘70s and in the ‘80s, state’s program was no longer a barrier and alternative for the social actors.


Author(s):  
Jussi Lassila

The chapter discusses patriotism’s role and future prospects in Russia in relation to its principal target, Russia’s youth. Beneath the overall conformism with the Kremlin’s patriotic policies, youth’s relatively marginal engagement with any fixed patriotic identity is to be found among a variety of patriotic activists who prefer a distinct patriotic position to the state and the rest of society. In generational terms, Russia is witnessing a deepening gap between the policymakers of patriotism and the youth. On the one hand, the state repeatedly attempts to strengthen patriotism as an ideological tool in controlling societal and cultural processes, while, on the other hand, youth’s departing views from Soviet-like modes of patriotic education ignite demands to increase the role of patriotism further. Over the course of the next 10–15 years, it is very likely that an change in the balance between Soviet-era and post-Soviet cohorts of policymakers and conductors of patriotic policies will have a significant impact on the role and meaning of patriotism in Russian society.


2022 ◽  
pp. 256-275
Author(s):  
Zahid Ullah

Pakistan is depicted as a victim as well as a sponsor of terrorism. The reason behind this characterisation is that Pakistan, since its inception in 1947, has experienced multifaceted violence, ranging from ethnic insurgencies to sectarian violence. At the same time, it has been blamed for fomenting violence in its neighbours. On the one hand, there have been anti-terrorism laws in place since the late 1990s; on the other, there is an Islamised public sphere that provides fecund soil for violent extremists to thrive. The questions to be addressed here are: What kinds of anti-terrorism laws exist in Pakistan and how effective are they against terrorism? What is the role of the state-managed curriculum in providing a conducive environment for the growth of violent extremism? This research appeals to the “garrison state” theory, which explains how “the specialists on violence” control every aspect of the state, complemented by the concept of “fragmented hegemony,” which explains how the seemingly corrupt multiple sites of power help the state maintain its hegemony over society.


Literator ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 109-128
Author(s):  
J. Geertsema

The purpose of this article is to examine Amandla (by Miriam TIali) and Third Generation (by Sipho Sepamla) as anti-apartheid novels of resistance which are faced by a number of serious contradictions. The article is an attempt to analyse the ways in which these texts seek to cope, on the one hand, with what seems to be a lost cause, a struggle without an end, and on the other hand with their own status as fictional texts which attempt to change precisely that which seems to deny all possibilities of subversion. Both texts attempt to make sense of a reality which is perceived to be so horrifyingly real as to be fictional (in the sense of the fictive, unreal, ethereal). On the one hand the power of the apartheid state is seen to be insurmountable, and on the other hand, that stale has to be subverted and destroyed. The resulting dialectic, posited in the texts, of the state of affairs in reality and the state of affairs that is desired, can only be solved by the use of the trope of exile as an imaginary resolution to a very real contradiction in order to achieve at least some measure of conscientization in the readership.


Author(s):  
Mohammed Ahmed Anfeekh

This article is intended to reveal that the topics concerned with health and disease cannot be a pure medical speech topic , because they are not only two physical happens , but they are built socially and culturally as well. thus , the sociologists have produced another speech , which , on the one hand , was regarded as parallel or marginal to medical speech , on the other hand , it was considered as competitive to it. the sociologists have relied on multiple entries so as to construct the social reality related to this topic , the social representations entry is among them , this entry has showed that expressing the state of health and disease is no longer presented by body language , as the doctors believe , but by the language of society and culture. therefore , it is compulsory to dispense with medical centralization and to adapt a various and extrovert vision. moreover , the issue of health should become a social matter that involves medical , political , economical , lawful , and cultural trends.


In the paper, the national and women’s contexts closely interrelated in W. S. Maugham’s “The Unconquered” short story (1943) are being examined. While analysing the ground of the conquest and resistance, it is concluded that war conquering and sexual violence are aimed to establish the men’s power over certain part of the world. In some ways, capturing a woman and occupying the land are considered equal things under the patriarchal rules. With this in mind, any male conqueror tries to reach both of them not only for the sake of victory, but also for approval his status of a worthy member of a men-ruling society (a nation). Next, the role of stereotypes as an engine of all negative phenomena of national and gender non-understanding, in particular, war and various kinds of inequality, is stressed. Tracing the complex relationship between, on the one hand, Frenchmen and Germans, and women and men, on the other hand, it should be token that the final infanticide is multivalued whereas it means the woman’s liberation and revenge for the men’s world, as well as is an apogee of national resistance.


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