scholarly journals Plädoyer für eine zukunftsoffene Verfasstheit Europas

2006 ◽  
Vol 36 (144) ◽  
pp. 419-433
Author(s):  
Anne Karrass ◽  
Andreas Fisahn

The French and Dutch “no” to the European Constitution and the following “period of reflection” offer the opportunity to introduce critical ideas into the discussion on the future of the European Union. For the critics it is not only necessary to excoriate the Constitution, but also to propose alternatives. The authors therefore generate requirements for the contents of a new European Constitution. In a second step concrete alternatives are provided, dealing among others with a democratic way of organizing the European institutions, basic rights as well as economic and social policies. The general aim is to open the Constitution for political processes, which means to minimize the (economic) stipulations for European politics in the Constitution.

Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries ◽  
Sara B. Hobolt ◽  
Sven-Oliver Proksch ◽  
Jonathan B. Slapin

This chapter explores recent changes in European politics and looks to the future for European democracy as it stands now. The chapter explores the ongoing political change that can be seen within European countries and also at the European Union (EU) level. It aims to highlight four important debates about the state of democracy in Europe. These are: the debates about the rise of political fragmentation and its consequences for democracy; democratic backsliding in central and eastern Europe; the impact of the United Kingdom leaving the EU on democracy; and the democratic deficit in EU politics.


2001 ◽  
Vol 2 (15) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominik Hanf

In January 1999 German Foreign Minister J. Fischer called for a debate on the creation of a constitution for the European Union. Since then, many German politicians have exposed their vision of the future of Europe and its constitution. However, even one year later, the matter appeared still to be a ‘German concern’ only.


2019 ◽  
pp. 228-234
Author(s):  
Maksym Yakovliev

Ukrainians demonstrate an intense interest in the domestic and foreign policy of their country, as well as in what is going in geopolitical processes. Social and political discourse in Ukraine is highly politicised which results in a great variety of lexical elements found in everyday publications and discussions. There are many political terminoids, politological quasiterms or quasitermini, political jargonisms, and pseudoterms of political realm that are extensively used both in Ukrainian and international discourse. Examples may vary from a term Trumpism, which bears a significant emotional load with pejorative connotations, to a more neutral term Thatcherism that became a part of political and economic reference books. Russian military aggression against Ukraine brought a new meaning to the terms Putinism, that resembles the term Hitlerism, as well as Rushism – a combination of Russia and fascism, which denotes an imperialist, chauvinist, aggressive, militant foreign policy of Russia, especially to its close neighbours. Different terms like that constitute a vibrant interdisciplinary field that is not paid sufficient attention to. This article suggests approaching analysis of pragmatics functions of these lexical elements by analysing their role in more general course of terminologisation of political and social discourse. A number of different examples of such lexemes are listed and their use is commented by placing them into a broader context of lexicological studies. In the English language tradition such lexemes are studies within the discipline of language for special purposes, in this case – the language of politics. The German terminological tradition speaks of Fachjargonismen and Halbtermini, the latter may be regarded as a sort of an equivalent to the concept of quasiterms used in our terminological studies. Some examples of pejorative and metaphorical lexical elements used in political discussions are also described and commented briefly, like the terms Porokhobot as an example of a pejorative terms used to describe those who support the president of Ukraine Mr. Poroshenko and his politics, or the terms related to the revolutionary events in Ukraine in 2014 – Euromaidan – a term widely used outside of Ukraine, together with the term Leninopad to describe the removal of the monuments of Lenin as a part of the policy of de-communisation. It is claimed that this terminology allows broader public to participate in political discussions since it simplifies the discourse but also sets some terms of reference for placing opponents and proponents of certain political actors, ideologies, or parties according to lexical delimitation lines. In the European Union those who criticize the policies of the Union and see a threat in the increased German influence go as far as to suggest a term Merkelreich to combine the name of the German Chancellor Angela Merkel and the German word Reich to imply a rather brutal reference to the Third Reich. On the other hand, such a term provides a great simplification to the discussion about the nature of political processes within the European Union. By comparing Germany’s economic potential in the common market to the imperialistic ambitions it also sets discursive boundaries for a certain type of political debate. It is also stated that such lexical elements can indicate a shift in political and social developments since such pseudoterms have potential to transform into full-fledged political science terms in the future. It might be the case the militant and aggressive foreign policy of today’s Russia would one day named Putinism and become part of university textbooks in politics. As it is almost impossible to predict the future of a particular quasiterm, it is suggested that the current process of nomination of terms within the socio-political discourse should be studied with a particular attention. Some discursive practices may reveal the mechanisms behind the logic of how certain terms are used. For example, a political expert or a political scientist would hesitate to use a terminoid with pejorative connotations in official lecture or in a peer-reviewed article, but he or she can use it in an emotionally heated discussion or, with some reservations, even on a TV-show. These terms are all around and the ways and rules of their application should be paid more attention to. The article concludes that these elements should be researched from an interdisciplinary perspective.


2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Ion Chiciudean ◽  
Nicoleta Corbu

<p>In this study we show that, in the aftermath of the economic crisis, Romanians remain among the most enthusiastic citizens of the European Union, in what concerns trust in the European institutions, projections for the future, the image of the EU and general attitudes toward the union. Relying on data provided by eurobarometers since the Romanian integration, we argue that the reasons for this peculiar position of Romanians within the EU is largely due to how people evaluate the economic and political performance of their own country: from evaluations of the economy to trust in national institutions, Romanians are very pessimistic about how their country handles the present situation and about perspectives for the future. In this context, they turn to the European Union as to a Savior, who represents their hope and promise for a better future, for economic prosperity and security. This is the reason why, more than five years after the beginning of the financial crisis, Romanians are still among the most optimistic citizens of Europe.</p>


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Markus Warasin

European politics is more polarised than ever. The former lack of conflict over EU policy decisions is being replaced by a lack of consensus. The agreements reached in Brussels are increasingly contentious, the European institutions seem increasingly fragmented and European political debate has become increasingly controversial. The asymmetric politicisation of the European Union has manifold manifestations that produce not only negative but also positive criticism, and not only resistance against but also support for the political system. If politicisation is not only understood as an obstacle to integration, but seen as having the potential to promote integration, the somewhat outdated drivers of European integration dynamics and policymaking, namely ‘deepening’ and ‘widening’, could be replaced or at least complemented by the new driver of ‘politicisation’.


2004 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 27-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alberto Alesina ◽  
Roberto Perotti

In this paper, we present our view of the recent evolution of European integration. We first briefly describe the main features of the institution and decision making process in the European Union, with particular attention to the debate between federalists and super nationalists. We then identify two key issues in the process of European integration: 1) an emphasis on “institutional balance” based on a complex web of institutions with overlapping jurisdiction; 2) A conflict between a dirigiste versus a more laissez faire approach to government. We argue that the first problem leads to a lack of clarity in the allocation of powers between European institutions, confusion in the allocation of prerogatives between national governments and EU institutions, and lack of transparency and accountability. The dirigiste culture also manifests itself in an abundant production of verbose rhetoric, which in our view is far from innocuous and direct set the European policy debate in the wrong direction. We then study how these problems play out in 4 important areas: employment policies, culture and scientific research, foreign and defense policies, and fiscal policy. Finally, we study the implications of the recently proposed European Constitution a potential solution of these two problems.


2021 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 43-59
Author(s):  
Cláudia Ramos

The Conference on the Future of Europe was launched in March, 2021 by the European institutions, with the aim of creating a platform for bottom up citizen participation in the definition of policy options for the “future of Europe”. This article analyses the institutional and party discourses on the Conference, in the framework of the reaction of those institutions and of the pro-integration parties to the mounting populist “threat” to European integration, notably as expressed in the outcome of the 2019 European Parliament elections. The author aims to establish whether in doing so the European Union is innovating, by overcoming conventional representative democracy participation and thus entering other complementary models. The article further discusses whether this new method bridges the gap with the citizens, whom populisms have tried to mobilize.


2006 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 398-423 ◽  
Author(s):  
John P. McCormick

Habermas's normative vision – Strengths and deficiencies – European Union democracy as solution to global problems – Necessity of developing a European civil society – Normative ideal, functional mechanisms, empirical reexamination – Habermas's criticism of Euro-skeptics – Substance-through-procedure mode of social integration – Adequacy of procedural substance questioned – Empirical limits to Habermasian European Union democracy – ‘Multi-segmented governance’ in the European Union – Supranational redistribution? – Legal integration has not facilitated social integration – Scharpf, Weiler, Joerges, Schmitter – Habermas's Sozialstaat principles jeopardized on Union level – Structural obstacle to coordinated European social welfare policy – European politics will resemble Sektoralstaat – Participation, egalitarianism and accountability


Author(s):  
Hernan Tesler-Mabe

As recently as one year ago, the European Union was seemingly on a direct path toward its avowed goal of "ever closer union." In numerous publications, EU authorities asserted that they had the confidence of European peoples desirous only of further integration. In the wake of the failed referenda for a European Constitution, however, enthusiasts of European Union can no longer be certain that their enterprise will succeed. The European Union, once strong and united, seems now an entity teetering on the edge of collapse. The reasons for such a dramatic shift are, of course, wide-ranging. Yet I would suggest that a great part of the general European disillusionment with European Union has come about as a result of the actions of the Europeanists themselves. Over the last decades, European officials have exhibited a frightfully high incidence of revisionism in their literature. This practice, I argue, has caused many Europeans to question the integrity of the project of European Union. For my presentation, I intend to undertake a close study of a selection of documents published by the European Communities. In this endeavour, I will compare and contrast the messages imparted in different editions of these works and consider the semiotic significance of the textual and non-textual language appearing therein. In this manner, I hope to achieve two aims. First, I mean to add a corrective element to a literature that, guided by a teleological interpretation of integration, endows integration with”logic" to be found only in hindsight. Second, I intend to examine the many meanings that the EU has had over its history and assess how closely policy has adhered to the ideological goals of prominent Europeanists. In sum, I hope to shed light on the fundamental disconnect between advocates of Europe and the "man on the street" and help establish a dialogue which may contribute to resolving the current impasse within the European Union. Full text available: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i4.178


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