scholarly journals Haushaltsarbeit und affektive Arbeit

Author(s):  
Encarnacion Gutiérrez Rodríguez

The central topic of this article is the social devaluation of domestic work, especially focusing on its affective dimension. The question of reproduction as well as the productive character of care-work is constantly neglected in many socioeconomic studies. This counts also for Marxist analyses. Following enquiries in European countries on how domestic work is sensed, how this impacts the people delivering this work, as well as how these feelings linger in spaces and are transferred within relations, the results are interpreted in the context of processes of feminization and the coloniality of labor. Special attention is given to the situation of undocumented migrant domestic workers. As conclusion to these observations some thoughts on formulating domestic workers’ rights along the lines of the politics of affect are elaborated.

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
David du Toit ◽  
Lindy Heinecken

PurposeThe nature of paid domestic work is changing, with the growth in companies delivering domestic cleaning services. Few studies have looked at why people opt to use these services and the underlying drivers. As with the outsourcing of non-core tasks in businesses, outsourcing domestic work is motivated by similar, yet different reasons, which have to do with the personal and private nature of domestic employment. This study aims to establish the reasons why “clients”, who were former employers of domestic servants, opted to outsource domestic work to a domestic cleaning service provider.Design/methodology/approachGiven the limited research on domestic cleaning services in South Africa, a mixed-methods research approach is used.FindingsThe findings showed that there are three key motivations: the nature of the domestic cleaning service supplier, the services rendered by domestic workers and the tripartite employment relationships. These three benefits imply that clients have access to functional and numerical flexibility, unlike employing a domestic worker directly. This study contributes to the literature on outsourcing and domestic work by showing that clients not only look to change the economic structure of the relationship with domestic workers, but it allows them to psychologically and emotionally distance themselves from domestic workers.Research limitations/implicationsThis study shows that some people are no longer willing to have a relationship with the people who clean their homes, and that they believe it is simply not worth the effort to maintain a relationship. This is an aspect that needs further research, as this is the one sphere where women are united in their plight, albeit from different worldviews. Thus, a limitation is that this study only focuses on clients' views of outsourcing. Have domestic workers employed by the outsourced domestic cleaning service supplier become just like assembly-line workers, where they are anonymous to their clients, performing routine tasks with little recognition from those whose homes they are servicing? Future studies could focus on domestic workers' views on outsourcing and the effects it has on their working conditions and employment relations.Originality/valueFirstly, studies mainly focus on the Global North where domestic work and outsourcing have different dynamics, regulation policies and social changes when compared to South Africa. Secondly, few studies have sought to establish why people shift from employing a domestic or care worker directly to an outsourced domestic agency when direct domestic help is available and affordable. Considering these shortcomings, this study aims to provide a better understanding of domestic cleaning service suppliers from the perspective of clients, often omitted from the literature. Accordingly, this study aimed to establish what the benefits are for clients (former employers of domestic workers) who use domestic cleaning service suppliers.


2003 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 503-517 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sónia Parella Rubio

In the familistic welfare state regimes of Italy and Spain, the resurgence in live-in domestic work and the demand for migrant domestic workers is stronger than in other European countries. Organising and regulating services in order to help with the burden of caring for one's family is not an important objective of social policy in southern European countries. It is taken for granted that the family (‘women') is the main provider of social protection. In the absence of policy decisions in this field, the increase in local women's labour market participation in recent decades has led to households recruiting non-EU immigrant women in order to help them balance the needs of their family with the demands of paid employment. These immigrants constitute an enormous supply of low-cost labour and there is a shortage of local female workers in paid domestic work.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 201
Author(s):  
Mary Austin

<p>This article examines a recent ILO funded project designed to engage more Indonesian journalists and media organizations in advocacy journalism on behalf of domestic worker legislation. Applying Ann Stoler’s notion of ‘disregard’ in the context of post-Suharto<br />democratization, I illustrate how established newsroom practices and patterns of reporting helped maintain distinctions between ‘home’ and overseas domestic workers which impeded progress towards comprehensive legislation. Indonesia’s endorsement of the adoption of ILO Convention 189 in June 2011 opened up political opportunities, provided a framework for re-scripting media narratives and encouraged journalists to give more space to domestic workers’ voices. At the same time, increased media coverage enabled those opposed to legislation to reiterate a gendered disregard for the social and economic value of domestic work.</p>


2002 ◽  
Vol 32 (129) ◽  
pp. 577-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia Gather

In the last twenty years it has become more common in Germany for middle class households to hire a domestic worker informally for some hours a week to do the rough and dirty cleaning tasks. About two million people are working in this sector, a substantial part of them are undocumented migrant worker, but nobody knows for sure. In this paper, case studies of the people doing this work are presented, and political efforts to transform informal domestic work into regular jobs are addressed. These efforts failed, because too little is known about the women doing these jobs. Thus there is a need for further research.


Author(s):  
Rima Sabban

Gulf countries continue to develop national institutions, policies, and programs to address labor and human rights issues faced by migrant domestic workers, specifically on work conditions in the domestic labor market. While a plethora of academic and policy studies highlight rights groups’ political, legal, and social criticisms toward the Gulf countries, limited studies have examined the institutionalized responses of the states in addressing migrant domestic work exploitations and abuses. Using document analysis on the current academic, policy, and government publications, this chapter records formal efforts made by Gulf nations to improve conditions of migrant and domestic work. While it is important practice to document these institutionalized efforts toward improving the social welfare of these workers, a central argument in this chapter highlights a contingency on future commitment of these governments to uphold standards of human rights through sustainable policies. Critical relevance lies within both empirical and theoretical perspectives on the Gulf states’ responses toward migration management.


2022 ◽  
pp. 003802292110631
Author(s):  
Gayatri Nair ◽  
Nila Ginger Hofman

This study compares middle-class women’s experience of domestic work in India and the United States(US), highlighting similarities in how domestic work is organised in its paid and unpaid forms across both sites. The focus on middle-class women’s experience as unpaid workers and employers of domestic workers provides an insight into how the social and economic values of domestic work are determined. Despite social and political differences, the political economies of India and the US and interlocking systems of oppression including patriarchy, neoliberalism, caste and race have produced similarities in the undervaluation of domestic work at both sites.


Liquidity ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-118
Author(s):  
Iwan Subandi ◽  
Fathurrahman Djamil

Health is the basic right for everybody, therefore every citizen is entitled to get the health care. In enforcing the regulation for Jaringan Kesehatan Nasional (National Health Supports), it is heavily influenced by the foreign interests. Economically, this program does not reduce the people’s burdens, on the contrary, it will increase them. This means the health supports in which should place the government as the guarantor of the public health, but the people themselves that should pay for the health care. In the realization of the health support the are elements against the Syariah principles. Indonesian Muslim Religious Leaders (MUI) only say that the BPJS Kesehatan (Sosial Support Institution for Health) does not conform with the syariah. The society is asked to register and continue the participation in the program of Social Supports Institution for Health. The best solution is to enforce the mechanism which is in accordance with the syariah principles. The establishment of BPJS based on syariah has to be carried out in cooperation from the elements of Social Supports Institution (BPJS), Indonesian Muslim Religious (MUI), Financial Institution Authorities, National Social Supports Council, Ministry of Health, and Ministry of Finance. Accordingly, the Social Supports Institution for Helath (BPJS Kesehatan) based on syariah principles could be obtained and could became the solution of the polemics in the society.


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