scholarly journals A koreai köztársaság kereskedelmi politikája és a koreu szabadkereskedelmi megállapodás

2020 ◽  
Vol 144 (3) ◽  
pp. 274-293

The Republic of Korea (South Korea) is one of the typical, newly-industrialised economies of Asia (ANIEs) that has undergone spectacular economic and social development over the last half century. Since the 1960s it has developed gradually and has become one of the most advanced nations of the world. As a result of the stalemate of the Doha-round, and of the financial and economic crisis in 2008–2009, a new trend seems to have emerged in the field of trade liberalization in the world. Instead of striving for a comprehensive, multilateral framework, a growing number of “new generation” free trade agreements have been emerging that are concluded on a bilateral level or among a few countries. The Republic of Korea joined this trend in 2008. Since then it has concluded a number of FTAs with Asian, American, European and other partners including the USA and the European Union, and it still has a number of draft agreements under negotiation. The EU-Korea FTA (KOREU) entered into force on 1 July 2011, marking a new era in EU-Korea trade relations. It is the most comprehensive free trade agreement ever concluded by the EU, and the first with a partner country in Asia. Since it came into force, import duties have been eliminated on nearly all products (98.7 % of duties within five years), which resulted in a far-reaching trade liberalization in services as well. Since 2011 the European Union’s exports to Korea have been growing, and the former trade deficit in the EU-Korea relations has shifted to European surplus in the balance of trade. This can be seen as an advantage for the EU, but it also reflects the vulnerability of the Korean economy’s competitiveness.

2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bartosz Michalski

This paper investigates selected short- and mid-term effects in trade in goods between the Visegrad countries (V4: the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and the Slovak Republic) and the Republic of Korea under the framework of the Free Trade Agreement between the European Union and the Republic of Korea. This Agreement is described in the “Trade for All” (2015: 9) strategy as the most ambitious trade deal ever implemented by the EU. The primary purpose of our analysis is to identify, compare, and evaluate the evolution of the technological sophistication of bilateral exports and imports. Another dimension of the paper concentrates on the developments within intra-industry trade. Moreover, these objectives are approached taking into account the context of the South Korean direct investment inflow to the V4. The evaluation of technological sophistication is based on UNCTAD’s methodology, while the intensity of intra-industry trade is measured by the GL-index and identification of its subcategories (horizontal and vertical trade). The analysis covers the timespan 2001–2015. The novelty of the paper lies in the fact that the study of South Korean-V4 trade relations has not so far been carried out from this perspective. Thus this paper investigates interesting phenomena identified in the trade between the Republic of Korea (ROK) and V4 economies. The main findings imply an impact of South Korean direct investments on trade. This is represented by the trade deficit of the V4 with ROK and the structure of bilateral trade in terms of its technological sophistication. South Korean investments might also have had positive consequences for the evolution of IIT, particularly in the machinery sector. The political interpretation indicates that they may strengthen common threats associated with the middle-income trap, particularly the technological gap and the emphasis placed on lower costs of production.


2018 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-32
Author(s):  
Rumiana Yotova

ON 16 May 2017, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) delivered its Opinion 2/15 concerning the competence of the EU to conclude the Free Trade Agreement with Singapore (EUSFTA) (ECLI:EU:C:2017:376). The Opinion was requested by the Commission which argued, with the support of the European Parliament (EP), that the EU had exclusive competence to conclude the EUSFTA. The Council and 25 of the Member States countered that the EUSFTA should be concluded as a mixed agreement – that is, by the EU and each of its members – because some of its provisions fell under the shared competence of the organisation or the competence of the Member States alone.


2012 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mario Holzner ◽  
Valentina Ivanic

In this article, the global simulation model (GSIM) of Joseph F. Francois and Keith H. Hall (2009) for analyzing global, regional, and unilateral trade policy changes was applied to Serbia. This was to measure the effects of full trade liberalization with the EU after Serbian accession to the EU. As anticipated, most of the changes in welfare after full liberalization of trade between Serbia and EU can be expected in sectors where Serbia has specialized; protection against imports from the EU is strong. However, losses could also occur in sectors that currently face strong protection against the rest of the world and this protection is lost after EU accession. Trade liberalization will lead to a substantial loss of tariff revenues. Reduced consumer prices might, on the one hand increase consumer surplus but on the other hand decrease producer surplus and output in certain industries.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-222
Author(s):  
Heidi Stockhaus

The new free trade agreement with the European Union will bring Vietnam’s economic integration to a new level once it enters into force. In the past, the associated economic growth has led to environmental deterioration due to inappropriate regulations and poor enforcement. Currently, environmental problems are visible everywhere and attract the attention of citizens as well as lawmakers. The new free trade agreement establishes a framework for sustainable development in the context of trade and investment. The relevant provisions aim to maintain Vietnam’s right to regulate for the targeted protection level, require the country to take measures to mitigate the pressure on the environment, and open the door for cooperation with the European Union. However, it remains to be seen, whether these provisions balance the risks associated with the increase in trade and investment through the free trade agreement.


Author(s):  
Pasha L. Hsieh

Abstract The article examines the theoretical concept of interregionalism in the context of the evolving framework between the European Union (EU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). As the EU’s first free trade agreement (FTA) with an ASEAN country, the EU-Singapore FTA is a pathfinder agreement that signifies a new phase of interregionalism and the EU’s new Asia strategy after the Treaty of Lisbon. The article argues that the innovative designs of the EU-Singapore FTA will shape the normative development of EU-ASEAN relations in the post-pandemic era. It also cautions that a comparative analysis of EU and US agreements reveals deficiencies in the FTA that require remedies. To buttress the contention, key provisions on ASEAN cumulative rules of origin, banking and legal services and non-tariff barriers are analysed in light of contemporary Asian agreements. The research further provides insight into the effectiveness of new-generation rules on geographical indications, competition, and investor-state arbitration and mediation. Hence, the findings contribute to the understanding of interregionalism and the EU’s Asia-Pacific trade and investment agreements from global and interdisciplinary perspectives.


2019 ◽  
pp. 58-66
Author(s):  
P. Yakovlev

In recent years, the world economy has become more unstable and relations between countries in different regions have deteriorated. As a result, we can talk about an international economic confrontation. The main reasons for this situation seem to be traceable: so-called trade wars, neo-protectionism, financial and other sanctions. Many countries around the world, including Russia and Spain, are victims of one or more aspects of the phenomenon. Trade wars are undoubtedly at the heart of economic battles. They have a long history, but the current wave of trade wars has been driven by President Donald Trump’s economic policies. In his opinion, the root of the U.S. economic problems lies in its trade deficit with China, the European Union, Mexico and some other countries of the world. With the idea that “trade wars are good and easy to win”, Washington unilaterally tore up the agreements reached: the Paris climate accord, the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the nuclear deal with Iran, the free trade agreement with Mexico and Canada. In addition, Trump has raised tariffs on hundreds of manufactured goods imported by the United States (steel, aluminum, washing machines, solar panels, etc.) and threatened the European Union with higher tariffs on cars. The trade wars unleashed by the White House will have long-term direct and indirect consequences for the state of the world economy. Russia and Spain are heavily dependent on international markets. That is why complications in world trade are contrary to the interests of both countries.


Author(s):  
Paola Mariani ◽  
Giorgio Sacerdoti

This chapter examines the negotiations on the future relations between the UK and the EU. The UK left the EU on the basis of a Withdrawal Agreement, which includes an obligation to negotiate in good faith the future relationship between the parties. The framework for future cooperation is outlined in a non-binding Political Declaration attached to the Withdrawal Agreement. This foresees the conclusion after the end of the transition period of a free trade agreement. However, the parties’ respective negotiating directives and guidelines, made public in February of 2020, show a remarkable gap in objectives and features of the future agreement, to the point that a failure of the negotiations and a no-deal Brexit is still a possibility. The chapter then considers the provisions of the Withdrawal Agreement impacting the future EU–UK relations, namely Article 184 and the Protocol on Northern Ireland that already foresees rules applying between the parties post-transition, with respect to Northern Ireland. It also reflects on the challenges the UK faces in negotiating trade agreements with the EU while also doing so with the rest of the world.


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