Biyopolitika, güvenlik ve Frontex'in Türkiye-Yunanistan sınırındaki rolü

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burcu Toğral Koca

Soğuk Savaş'ın sona ermesinin ardından, ulus ötesi etkileriyle küresel gelişmeler, güvenlik konusunda çalışan akademisyenleri, politika yapıcıları, siyasetçileri devlet-merkezli ve askeri-odaklı güvenlik tanımının ötesine taşımıştır. Bu dönüşümle, kalkınmayı güvenlikle ilişkilendiren söylemler de ivme kazanmıştır. Bu söylemlerin ve güvenlik ile kalkınma arasında kurulan bağın göç ve hareketlilik olguları üzerinde de önemli etkileri olmuştur. Zenginler, vasıflı işçiler, “gelişmiş” Batı’nın turistleri serbest dolaşım hakkından sorunsuz bir şekilde yararlanırken; aynı hakkı kullanmak isteyen, sığınmacıları, mültecileri, fakir, vasıfsız ve “düzensiz” göçmenleri kapsayan ve “artık nüfus” olarak nitelendirilebilecek gruplar yoğun ve sert teknolojik/bürokratik kontrol ve güvenlik pratiklerine maruz kalmaya başlamıştır. Bu pratiklerden bir tanesi, Avrupa Birliği’nin (AB) dış sınırlarını bu “istenmeyen”/”artık nüfusa” karşı korumak için faaliyete geçirilen Frontex’in kurulmasıdır. Operasyonel ve kurumsal yapısı itibariyle militarize bir organ olan Frontex, “artık nüfus”tan doğabilecek sözde tehditlere karşı bir kontrol teknolojisine dönüşmüştür. Bu çalışma, biyopolitikayı bir yönetim teknolojisi olarak ele alan Foucaultcu yaklaşım temelinde, bu değişim ve gelişmeleri eleştirel bir yolla çözümlemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bunu yaparken, ilk olarak, AB’nin göç rejimini şekillendiren ve biyopolitikanın bir yansıması olan kalkınma ve güvenlik arasında kurulan bağ tahlil edilmiştir. Daha sonra, Frontex ve Frontex’in Türkiye-Yunanistan sınırındaki rolü incelenerek bu tahlil daha somut hale getirilmiştir. Son olarak, Frontex’in operasyonlarının göçmen haklarını ihlal ettiği ortaya konmuş ve bu nedenle AB ve ilgili devletler tarafından geliştirilen biyopolitik göç rejimine karşı insan odaklı, eleştirel bir siyasi duruşun geliştirilmesi gerektiği vurgulanmıştır. ENGLISH TITLE & ABSTRACTBiopolitics, security and the role of Frontex on the Turkish-Greek borderFollowing the end of the Cold War, global developments with their transnational effects have induced security scholars, policy makers and politicians to move beyond state-centric and military-focused conceptualization of security. In this transformation, discourses linking development to security have gained momentum. To put it differently, “liberal” states of the West have constructed a biopolitical distinction between “developed” and “underdeveloped” populations and administered the latter as a security threat to the former. Such framings and the nexus between security and development have had important repercussions for the mobility of people. The rich, skilled labours, tourists from “developed” West have come to enjoy the right to free movement without much of interruption. On the other hand, the “surplus” population, including asylum seekers, refugees, poor, unskilled and “irregular” migrants have been exposed to intense technological/bureaucratic control and surveillance practices. One of them is the introduction of Frontex for policing the European Union (EU)’s external borders against this “unwanted”/”surplus” population in conformity with new discourses linking development to security. This militarized body equipped with war-like devices has turned into a technology of containment related to the so-called threats stemming from “surplus” population. On the basis of these transformations, this paper aims to problematize and unpack these issues through building upon Foucauldian approaches on biopolitics as a technology of government. In particular, the paper, first, deconstructs the nexus between development and security in the EU’s migration regime. This analysis is made more tangible by looking into the activities of Frontex on the Turkish-Greek border. Finally, this paper draws the attention to the human rights implications of this security architecture and resultant practices. 

Author(s):  
Jonathan Hopkin

Recent elections in the advanced Western democracies have undermined the basic foundations of political systems that had previously beaten back all challenges—from both the Left and the Right. The election of Donald Trump to the US presidency, only months after the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union, signaled a dramatic shift in the politics of the rich democracies. This book traces the evolution of this shift and argues that it is a long-term result of abandoning the postwar model of egalitarian capitalism in the 1970s. That shift entailed weakening the democratic process in favor of an opaque, technocratic form of governance that allows voters little opportunity to influence policy. With the financial crisis of the late 2000s, these arrangements became unsustainable, as incumbent politicians were unable to provide solutions to economic hardship. Electorates demanded change, and it had to come from outside the system. Using a comparative approach, the text explains why different kinds of anti-system politics emerge in different countries and how political and economic factors impact the degree of electoral instability that emerges. Finally, it discusses the implications of these changes, arguing that the only way for mainstream political forces to survive is for them to embrace a more activist role for government in protecting societies from economic turbulence.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-156
Author(s):  
Marco Inglese

Abstract This article seeks to ascertain the role of healthcare in the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). The article is structured as follows. First, it outlines the international conceptualisation of healthcare in the International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the European Social Charter (ESC) before delving into the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Second, focusing on the European Union (EU), it analyses the role of Article 35 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (the Charter) in order to verify its impact on the development of the CEAS. Third, and in conclusion, it will argue that the identification of the role of healthcare in the CEAS should be understood in light of the Charter’s scope of application. This interpretative approach will be beneficial for asylum seekers and undocumented migrants, as well as for the Member States (MSs).


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-139
Author(s):  
Anna Magdalena Kosińska

The present commentary concerns the claims alleging a violation under Article 5 paragraph 1 (the right to liberty and security of a person) and paragraph 4 (the right to take proceedings to determine the lawfulness of the detention) of the European Convention on Human Rights and Article 8 (the right to respect for private and family life) ECHR by using detention by the Republic of Poland for the period of almost 6 months with regard to a family of third-country nationals. The applicant in the case was a national of Russia, Zita Bistieva and her three minor children. The judgement under discussion is significant from the perspective of strengthening the guarantees for the protection of the rights of irregular migrants in the system of both the Council of Europe and the European Union, on the grounds of the concept of equivalent protection adopted in EU primary law. The ruling in question also refers to the fact that the Member States do not sufficiently resort to alternative measures with regard to the detention of foreign nationals.


2006 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Torleif Ruud ◽  
Nils Lindefors ◽  
Anne Lindhardt

AbstractThe aim of the paper is to provide an overview of some of the most important issues faced by acute inpatient facilities in three Scandinavian countries, including reflections and critical remarks for discussion in this field. Information was drawn from scientific articles and official reports published in recent years, as well as the authors' own knowledge of acute facilities in their home countries. Acute inpatient facilities, including General Hospital Psychiatric Units (GHPUs), in all Scandinavian countries have several issues and problems in common, which include the organisation and capacity of acute services, the assessment of dangerousness and suicidality, the use of coercion and efforts to reduce coercion, the need to define and improve the quality of acute services, and the necessity to improve collaboration and continuity between acute services and other services. Although the emphasis some of these issues receive can vary across the three countries, Scandinavian mental health professionals (and policy makers) have begun to systematically share their experiences in developing a growing spirit of collaboration. Despite the role of welfare state and the deployment of substantial resources in Scandinavian countries, mental health practitioners are struggling to implement best practices in acute wards, to develop differentiated forms of acute services, and to reach the right balance and coordination between acute services and other services.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-45
Author(s):  
Marie Jelínková

Abstract Along with other Central and Eastern European counties, Czechia has invested significant effort in deterring refugees from entering the country during the ‘refugee crisis’. This article sheds light on the role of the media in legitimising anti-refugee policies by analysing the politicised discourse on refugees in 900 articles published in Czech newspapers between 2014 and 2016. The findings indicate that refugees were depicted as a security threat and an administrative burden partly imposed by the European Union. The article discusses the policy implications of depicting refugees in this way and thus broadens the literature on European narratives during the refugee emergency in Europe.


2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 413-446
Author(s):  
Anna Błuś

Abstract In the European Union alone, there are currently approximately 5.5 million migrants with an irregular immigration status. Despite its promise of universality, international human rights law does not protect migrants, particularly those in irregular situations, to the same extent as it protects citizens. This paper examines state policies towards irregular migration and approaches to issues faced by irregular migrants, from No Borders to solidarity, arguing that to effectively address these pressing concerns, it is necessary to look beyond the law and the concept of human rights and to challenge the notion of the border. Hannah Arendt’s nexus between rights and political membership expressed in the concept of the ‘right to have rights’ is considered in relation to today’s undocumented migrants. Different manifestations of migrant activism are also analysed, demonstrating that undocumented migrants have a voice and have been using it to contest the state-dependent notions of citizenship and membership.


2014 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 883-906 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane Reichel

One of the reasons for introducing a “Union” citizenship in the 1993 Maastricht Treaty was to provide a direct channel between the citizens of the Member States and the EU. In contrast to many other international organizations, the role of the individual has been central to the European project since its inception. In its famous 1962 judgment given inVan Gend en Loos,1 the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) underscored the importance of the “vigilance of individuals concerned” seeking to protect their European rights in the new legal order through judicial control.2 The right to directly vote on the representatives of the European Parliament had already been introduced in the 1970s. The citizens of the Member States were thus equipped with two classic forms of political participation even prior to the introduction of Union citizenship: law making and the legal adjudication of individual cases. Nonetheless, whether these channels are sufficient to guarantee the citizens effective democratic means to influence legislation and exercise control of EU institutions in the rather complex multilevel legal system of the EU has been continuously debated.


2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matt ffytche

This article examines the impact of Freud on conservative liberal intellectuals in America particularly during the Cold War. It argues that, compared with studies of the ‘radical’ or left-wing assimilations of psychoanalysis, the Freud of the political Right has been relatively neglected. It concentrates on three figures in particular – Irving Kristol, Norman Podhoretz and Leo Strauss, all of whom were a major influence on the formation of American neoconservatism, and ultimately on the Bush administration at the time of the War on Terror. The article also examines the role of Lionel Trilling in mediating Freudian ideas to Kristol and Podhoretz, who were disaffected with the progressive aspects of liberalism, and shifted their allegiance to the Right by the 1980s. Freud's work, especially Civilization and its Discontents, functions as an ideological landmark at the borderline of their reflections on religion, morality, the failures of democracy and the foundations of social order.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Athanasios Anastasiou ◽  
Vasiliki Argiri ◽  
Dimitrios Komninos ◽  
Zacharias Dermatis ◽  
Christos Papageorgiou

Abstract The aim of this research is to examine the concept of entrepreneurship in the context of modern economic realities by presenting features and factors that contribute to economic growth. High unemployment, low economic growth and shrinking investment are key features of the long-term economic crisis at both national and European level.New entrepreneurship, combined with the strengthening of the existing one, is a powerful antidote to the fight against unemployment, as it provides the opportunity, mainly to young people, to innovate and create new products and services contributing to the wider economic and social whole, reducing unemployment while creating the right conditions for a remarkable and outward-looking economy. Taking into account the literature research, it is examined how the development of entrepreneurship actually contributes to the encouragement of economic activity, creating a favorable ground for growth in all sectors of the economy and the creation of new jobs.


Author(s):  
Anastasia A. Isaeva ◽  

In this study, the author addresses the problem of the definition and structure of the right to religious autonomy. The object of the study was the content of the two manifestations of this right that the author identified: internal governance and doctrinal autonomy in the practice of the European Court of Human Rights. The aim of this article is to determine the main areas of protection of the right to religious autonomy of religious associations and the positive experience applicable in the Russian Federation. The author describes the role of the right to religious autonomy, which is an integral part of pluralism in a democratic society and, therefore, acts as a center for protection provided by freedom of conscience. The study is based on the theoretical material of the works of both Russian (P.V. Sergeev, Yu.E. Fedotova, M.O. Shakhov) and foreign (M.E. Chopko, M.F. Moses) researchers. The extensive law enforcement practice of the European Court of Human Rights and the regulations of the European Union are also used. The methodological basis of the study is dialectical, comparative legal, formal legal, and other methods. In particular, the use of the dialectical method helped to determine the content of the concept of the right to religious autonomy, to study the dynamics of the legal positions of the European Court of Human Rights regarding a “balanced approach” to protect the autonomy of the internal management of religious associations. The use of comparative legal and formal legal methods helped to identify correlations between the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights and acts adopted within the European Union. The use of the functional method made it possible to investigate the place and role of European institutions and the nature of their governing influence on the provision and protection of the right to religious autonomy to various religious associations, including those representing a religious minority. As a result, the author comes to the conclusion that religious autonomy in its two possible manifestations—internal governance and doctrinal autonomy—directly follows from the content of the powers of freedom of conscience. Both of the manifestations are protected by European regulations although such protection cannot be considered as absolute. On the one hand, the right to religious autonomy is an integral part of the external manifestation of religious beliefs; on the other, its universal protection will jeopardize the protection of the rights of others. Nevertheless, in a situation in which the governing influence of European states is limited and the enforcement practice of the European Court of Human Rights is not entirely consistent, it seems that European institutions are aware of the importance of the right to religious autonomy. Therefore, the authorities resolve problems associated with its implementation pragmatically, trying to balance it with other rights and legitimate interests.


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