scholarly journals The Political Economy of Salt Imports in Indonesia

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-46
Author(s):  
Beltahmamero Simamora ◽  
Marlina Deliana ◽  
Syafruddin Ritonga

The use of salt is wide, including in the chemical industry, various foods and beverages, pharmaceuticals and cosmetics. The decision to import salt is aimed at protecting the sustainability of production in the national industrial sector. Government Regulation Number 9 of 2018 was issued without involving the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries (KKP). The PP for Salt Imports removes the authority of the KKP in providing recommendations for importing industrial salt. The salt import made by the government has received legitimacy from the Ministry of Industry because it is seen as being able to increase investment and welfare for the community. However, the import of salt do not have to get recommendations from the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries are a blunder for the government. Because it is very contrary to the constitution. The concepts presented by Thomas Oatley, namely interests, political institutions and Helen V. Milner, namely Interest, Institutions, and Information, are used to analyze salt import policies. 100 percent of industrial salt is still imported, because Indonesia unable to produce salt for industrial needs. Thus, in terms of the political economy of salt business, it can be concluded that the recurring issue of salt scarcity has been caused by serious errors in the political economy of the salt business in Indonesia. This mistake, objectively, can be traced from the behavior of salt business players and the government to reform for a better Indonesian salt business. 100 percent of industrial salt is still imported, because Indonesia unable to produce salt for industrial needs. Thus, in terms of the political economy of salt business, it can be concluded that the recurring issue of salt scarcity has been caused by serious errors in the political economy of the salt business in Indonesia. This mistake, objectively, can be traced from the behavior of salt business players and the government to reform for a better Indonesian salt business. 100 percent of industrial salt is still imported, because Indonesia unable to produce salt for industrial needs. Thus, in terms of the political economy of salt business, it can be concluded that the recurring issue of salt scarcity has been caused by serious errors in the political economy of the salt business in Indonesia. This mistake, objectively, can be traced from the behavior of salt business players and the government to reform for a better Indonesian salt business.

FIAT JUSTISIA ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Jeffry Rananda

The formation of The government regulation a substitute for the law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 1 of 2014 on the Election of Governor, Regent, and Mayor? How does the process of formation of the government regulation a substitute for the law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 1 of 2014 on the Election of Governor, Regent, and Mayor studied in the political perspective of the law? A substitute for the law of regulation making process shows again that the law is a product of politics. The fact that a political institutions, that chooses to create the rule of law. Although empirically then the law will be reset the political institutions. A substitute for the law of regulation is a Ius Constitutum as regulations on local elections. However, A substitute for the act of regulation it will not be effective because it is only temporary. A substitute for the Law of regulation attestation required then it becomes a law or made the latest Law. Keywords: The government regulation a substitute for the Law, Legal Politics


Author(s):  
Zera Edenzwo Subandi ◽  
Teguh Priyo Sadono

<p>The emergence of LINE Webtoon in Indonesia offers a very interesting new<br />media dynamics to be studied in Vincent Mosco's political economy study. In his theory, Vincent Mosco alludes to the globalization of the political economy of today's media explaining the transition of old media and the emergence of new media. The purpose of this study is to examine and criticize the political economy communications practices of Vincent Mosco from Commodification, Spatialization, to Structures related to the Line Webtoon control process for content, audience and workers and its distribution in Indonesia and market share in Indonesia.This research uses qualitative approach with case study method. This type of research is explorative which is based on critical<br />tradition and critical paradigm. This research uses Political Economy Communication theory Vincent Mosco. Primary data of research is result of observation and interview, while secondary data of research is result of documentation. The results of this study suggest that Commodification in LINE Webtoon consists of commodification of content, commodification of audience, and commodification of workers. The content commodity indicates that the audience is participating in the content, and there is a lack of clarity on the terms of inappropriate content on the LINEWebtoon, so the Researcher<br />finds some of the content falling into inappropriate categories. Audiences' commodity shows that readers in Indonesia are the largest LINE Webtoon readers, making it a very potential market for traders to advertisers. Workers' Commodities are seen on creators working on the Webtoon Challenge but are not getting paid at all. If they want to earn money, they can join the Rising Star contest, but the criteria given is very difficult.<br />Although winning, not necessarily an official account. The official account also gets quite high responsibilities ranging from content to match market interests, deadlines every week, and minimal panels in each episode. All costs of the production process until the publishing is borne by the creator. Creators get only a monthly salary from LINE Webtoon. Creators are created as LINE Webtoon provides space for work, but Researchers refer to this as LINE Webtoon's efforts to change the value of expertise and creativity into selling points. There is a webtoon entitled "Seventeen" which contains snippets of scenes in webdrama produced by NAVER TV. The account does not go through the Webtoon Challenge stage and is published in Indonesia. The existence of a serial promotion from webdrama that deliberately done because NAVER Corporation has the power to it.The spatialization caught in this research in the LINE Webtoon deployment process is related to the deployment of LINE Webtoon in Indonesia regarding the subject of inappropriate content and the expansion of the business network of the NAVER CORP that incorporates the "Seventeen" webdrama into LINE Webtoon Indonesia. It is also related to the injustice to Indonesian creators who fought from the beginning. The main problem, the researchers get the result that because there is no government regulation governing the publishing of online comics, the spread so can not be fenced. Anyone can easily access through websites or apps, including accessing a webtoon that contains adult scenes. Structure in LINE Webtoon is LINE Webtoon is the first online comic pioneer in Indonesia that has the most readers. LINE Webtoon as Japan and Korea hegemony over Indonesia. Japan and Korea work together to sell products that really sell well in the Indonesian market. However, the Government should really be able to control this movement so as not to bring negative impacts to the culture and moral of the Indonesian Nation.</p><p><strong>Keywords: Vincent Mosco, Qualitative, Case study.</strong></p>


2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 71-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danilo Bertoni ◽  
Alessandro Olper

The paper deals with the political and economic determinants of EU agri-environmental measures (AEMs) applied by 59 regional/country units, during the 2001-2004 period. Five different groups of determinants, spanning from positive and negative externalities, to political institutions, are highlighted and tested using an econometric model. Main results show that AEMs implementation is mostly affected by the strength of the farm lobby, and the demand for positive externalities. At the same time it emerges a prominent role played by political institutions. On the contrary, AEMs do not seem implemented by the willingness to address negative externalities.


Res Publica ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-298
Author(s):  
Staf Lauwerysen

The abolition of the political institutions of the Belgian provinces, as provided in the government declaration of 7 June 1977, puts a question into the usefulness of the provincial institutions.This contribution intends to throw more light on the policy at the provincial level - now and in the near past - by means of a brief functional and financial analysis. Beforehand, it has to be mentioned that juridical and institutional limitations do exercise a restraining influence on the functioning of the provinces.A task-analysis shows that they are mainly concerned with «traditional» tasks ( e.g. education, traffic), but they recently take into consideration «modern» tasks in the domain of social welfare (e.g. culture, community-organization) .However, the means of the Belgian provinces are very limited ; as a result, the current expenditures of the provinces do not exceed 3 % of all public current expenditures. It shows the relative small importance of the provinces in the total government structure.


Author(s):  
W. W. Rostow

I have tried in this book to summarize where the world economy has come from in the past three centuries and to set out the core of the agenda that lies before us as we face the century ahead. This century, for the first time since the mid-18th century, will come to be dominated by stagnant or falling populations. The conclusions at which I have arrived can usefully be divided in two parts: one relates to what can be called the political economy of the 21st century; the other relates to the links between the problem of the United States playing steadily the role of critical margin on the world scene and moving at home toward a solution to the multiple facets of the urban problem. As for the political economy of the 21st century, the following points relate both to U.S. domestic policy and U.S. policy within the OECD, APEC, OAS, and other relevant international organizations. There is a good chance that the economic rise of China and Asia as well as Latin America, plus the convergence of economic stagnation and population increase in Africa, will raise for a time the relative prices of food and industrial materials, as well as lead to an increase in expen ditures in support of the environment. This should occur in the early part of the next century, If corrective action is taken in the private markets and the political process, these strains on the supply side should diminish with the passage of time, the advance of science and innovation, and the progressively reduced rate of population increase. The government, the universities, the private sector, and the professions might soon place on their common agenda the delicate balance of maintaining full employment with stagnant or falling populations. The existing literature, which largely stems from the 1930s, is quite illuminating but inadequate. And the experience with stagnant or falling population in the the world economy during post-Industrial Revolution times is extremely limited. This is a subject best approached in the United States on a bipartisan basis, abroad as an international problem. It is much too serious to be dealt with, as it is at present, as a domestic political football.


2018 ◽  
Vol 52 ◽  
pp. 00009
Author(s):  
Dani Sintara ◽  
Faisal Akbar Nasution

In administering governance, Regional Heads are given an authority to manage the local finances independently. This authority is regulated in Law Number 9 of 2015 and Government Regulation Number 3 of 2007. Accountability of Regional Heads is a form of a democratic government. In a democratic government, the government has limited power and is not justified to act arbitrarily against its citizens. In reality, the implementation of the accountability is often the result of a political compromise. Political compromises occur due to the behavior of the political elite and the weakness of the existing legislation. This weakness relates to the mechanism of the accountability against the management of regional finances which opens an opportunity between the Regional Heads and the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) to conduct a negative relationship. The political compromises in the accountability of the Regional Heads have had a negative impact on the local governance. Whereas, the purpose of implementing a regional autonomy is to improve the quality of justice, democracy and prosperity. Therefore, before the DPRD rejects the accountability of the Regional Heads, it must first be tested in the Supreme Court.


Author(s):  
Luna Bellani ◽  
Heinrich Ursprung

The authors review the literature on the public-choice analysis of redistribution policies. They restrict the discussion to redistribution in democracies and focus on policies that are pursued with the sole objective of redistributing initial endowments. Since generic models of redistribution in democracies lack equilibria, one needs to introduce structure-inducing rules to arrive at a models whose behavior realistically portrays observed redistribution patterns. These rules may relate to the economic relationships, political institutions, or to firmly established preferences, beliefs, and attitudes of voters. The chapter surveys the respective lines of argument in turn and then present the related empirical evidence.


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