scholarly journals POLITIK HUKUM PERATURAN PEMERINTAH PENGGANTI UNDANG-UNDANG REPUBLIK INDONESIA NOMOR 1 TAHUN 2014 TENTANG PEMILIHAN GUBERNUR, BUPATI, DAN WALIKOTA

FIAT JUSTISIA ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Jeffry Rananda
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Government Regulation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Perspective ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The formation of The government regulation a substitute for the law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 1 of 2014 on the Election of Governor, Regent, and Mayor? How does the process of formation of the government regulation a substitute for the law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 1 of 2014 on the Election of Governor, Regent, and Mayor studied in the political perspective of the law? A substitute for the law of regulation making process shows again that the law is a product of politics. The fact that a political institutions, that chooses to create the rule of law. Although empirically then the law will be reset the political institutions. A substitute for the law of regulation is a Ius Constitutum as regulations on local elections. However, A substitute for the act of regulation it will not be effective because it is only temporary. A substitute for the Law of regulation attestation required then it becomes a law or made the latest Law. Keywords: The government regulation a substitute for the Law, Legal Politics

scholarly journals UNFORESEEABILITY AND ABUSE OF CRIMINAL LAW DURING THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC IN SERBIA

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Veljko Turanjanin
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Constitutional Review ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
European Court ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The author deals with the problem of criminal measures and sanctions in the legislation of the Republic of Serbia during the Covid-19 pandemic. The executive branch of the government declared a state of emergency in the Republic of Serbia in March 2020. At the same time the so-called Crisis Headquarter was established with the authority to impose measures of criminal-legal nature. During the two-month state of emergency, through the Crisis Headquarter, the executive branch of the government was changing criminal laws and sanctions at an almost daily basis. It is debatable whether such laws meet the rule of law and the European Court of Human Rights standards. Many citizens failed to adapt their behavior to the imposed measures. On the one hand, the courts have fallen into the trap of double punishment, both for a crime and for a misdemeanor. On the other hand, justifications of the courts’ decisions are also questionable, especially those containing references to statements made by members of the crisis team through the media. Furthermore, the Constitutional Court didn’t rule on any of the numerous requests for constitutional review, but in September it came out with the view that since the state of emergency was over, its decision was unnecessary. The paper is comprised of several units. In the first place, the author explains the process of legal changes by analyzing all the laws and rules that were passed by the end of 2020, as well as data related to the punishment of residents whose behavior was not in accordance with existing legal solutions. Bearing in mind the standards of the rule of law and the European Court of Human Rights, the author then explains that the measures implemented by the Serbian authorities do not meet the basic required criteria, primarily the foreseeability of the law, as well as that the laws were abused for the purpose of the election campaign. The special attention is paid to curfews and the complete ban on leaving homes for senior citizens well as ban of contacting with the family members, and then the lockdown of the rest of the population. The actions taken by the authorities during the epidemic resulted in violation of human rights of their citizens, and experience shows that the only court that citizens will be able to turn to will be the European Court of Human Rights. The author believes that with this understanding of the law and respect for its own citizens, the European Union can only be a distant idea.

scholarly journals EMPIRIC DEMOCRACY AND THE REFERENCE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN SINGLE CANDIDATE ELECTIONS

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 130
Author(s):  
Sulistyowati Sulistyowati
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legal Process ◽  
Dynamic Changes ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Approach Method ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government

The dynamic changes in the Law on Election for Governors, Regents, and Mayors prove that there are dynamics and progressiveness in the implementation of Pilkada. The process of the birth of laws, including the process of the birth of amendments to the Law, is a legal political process. The legal political process is under the authority of the legislator. The approach method used is normative juridical method. The power of legislators in the political and legal process is not absolute, because the government also has a domain of authority, although not as big as the authority of legislators. The result states that The legal political process always rests on the principle of normative democracy as the embodiment of the das sollen principle. At the level of implementation of the rule of law, there will always be legal anomalies, because there is a mismatch between normative democracy as the embodiment of the basic principle with empirical democracy as the embodiment of the basic sein principle. The legitimacy of a single candidate in Law Number 10 of 2016 concerning the Election of Governors, Regents, and Mayors makes the preferences of political parties increasingly pragmatism.

Cicero and Milo

1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Position ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Realignment ◽  
Political Scene

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.

scholarly journals PENGGUNAAN KATA TABU DI MEDIA SOSIAL: KAJIAN LINGUISTIK FORENSIK

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 120
Author(s):  
Nadhifa Indana Zulfa Rahman
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Government Regulation ◽  
Criminal Code ◽  
Media Communication ◽  
Taboo Words ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Active Communication ◽  
Equivalent Method

The freedom in social media communication have not been responded wisely by the citizen of the net (netizen). Sometimes while expressing themselves in the social media, netizens used the taboo words which potentially break the law. The problems chosen in this research is a type of taboo words used by the netizen and also whether these expressed words have a potential to violate the law. The method to collect the data is “Simak bebas libat cakap“(SBLC), it is a method where there is no active communication between interviewer and interviewee but it is only taken the data from internet, then to transcribe the taken data. The following step is analyzing data which used referential equivalent method, then the results of the analysis were presented informally. The findings showed that taboo words used in social media consisted of: (1) obscene words, (2) vulgar language, and (3) nick name and insult. These taboo words potentially violate the government regulation of the Republic Indonesia number 11 of 2008 concerning electronic information and transactions article 27 paragraph (3) and article 45 paragraph (1) as well as article 310 section (1) and article 311 section (1) of the Indonesian Criminal Code concerning defamation. Therefore, netizens must be careful in the way how communicate. Criminal Code, defamation, forensic linguistics, ITE Law, netizen, social media, taboo 

The State and the Rule of Law

1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-13
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zoll
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
The Law ◽  
Democratic Principles ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The One ◽  
Real Chance

The changes brought about in Poland and elsewhere in Europe by the fall of Communism have given rise to hopes for the establishment of a political system differing from the one which had been the fate of these countries. In place of totalitarianism, a new political system is to be created based on the democratic principles of a state under the rule of law. The transformation from totalitarianism to democracy is a process which has not yet been completed in Poland and still requires many efforts to be made before this goal may be achieved. One may also enumerate various pitfalls jeopardising this process even now. The dangers cannot be avoided if their sources and nature are not identified. Attempts to pervert the law and the political system may only be counteracted by legal means if the system based on the abuse of the law has not yet succeeded in establishing itself. Resistance by means of the law only has any real chance of success provided it is directed against attempts to set up a totalitarian system. Once the powers which are hostile to the state bound by the rule of law take over the institutions of the state, such resistance is doomed to failure.

The Judiciary and the Rule of Law in Africa

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte Heyl
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Leisure Activities ◽  
Explanatory Power ◽  
Judicial Independence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Informal Networks ◽  
African Region ◽  
Constitutional Review ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
The Government

In a liberal conception of democracy, courts play an important role in facilitating the rule of law by controlling the abidance to rules and by holding the political branches of government accountable. The power of constitutional review is a crucial element for exercising horizontal accountability. Courts across Africa are vested with the power of constitutional review, and, generally speaking, their independence has substantially increased since the beginning of the 1990s—although African courts enjoy overall less independence than the global average for courts’ independence. Within the African region, the level of judicial independence varies widely, between contexts that rarely allow judicial independence and contexts where courts have more power to challenge the government. Furthermore, across the continent, African courts experience undue interference—which frequently takes place informally. Informal interference can occur through the biased appointments of judges, verbal and physical threats, violent attacks, the payment of bribes, or the ouster of sitting judges. Informal networks—held together by ties based on shared educational trajectories, common leisure activities, religion, kinship relations, or political affiliations—are the channels through which such pressure can be transmitted. Yet judges also can actively build informal networks: namely, with the legal community, civil society, and international donors, so as to insulate themselves against undue interference and to increase institutional legitimacy. Research has shown that the agency of judges and courts in signaling impartial decision-making, as well as in reaching out to society, is crucial to constructing legitimacy in the African context. In contrast, the explanatory power of electoral competition as an incentive for power holders to support judicial independence is not straightforward in the context of Africa’s political regimes, where the prospect of losing office is associated with financial, and in some cases even physical, insecurity. However, research on judicial politics in Africa is still only preliminary, because the field requires more comparative studies in order to fully reveal the political repercussions on Africa’s judiciaries as well as to delineate the scope conditions of the prominent theories explaining judicial independence.

scholarly journals Exixtence of Indonesian Advocate Profession

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3.21) ◽  
pp. 317
Author(s):  
M Zamroni ◽  
. .
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Criminal Code ◽  
Pecking Order ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Law Enforcement Officials ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Republic

Hope to have legislation that specifically set while an umbrella in running materialize advocate profession, lawyers are more confident in addition to other law enforcement officials, such as judges, prosecutors and police, as well as respected as an equal partner in the law enforcement process. But the big question is how the existence of the profession of advocate Indonesia before and after the enlawment of Act Number 18 of 2003 concerning the Advocate, as well as any constraints that occur in their implementation. The rule of law relating to the profession of advocate before the enLawment of Act Number 18 of 2003 concerning The Advocate, scattered in various laws, such as Act Number 1 of 1946 on the Law of Criminal Code, Act Number 1 of 1950 on the Supreme Court, Emergency Act Number 1 of 1951 governing temporary measures to organize the unity of the pecking order and civil court events, and Herziene Indlandsch Regalement (HIR). Before the release of Act Number 18 of 2003 concerning Advocates, advocate the use of the term in prLawice there has been no standard for the profession. In various provisions of the legislation of any inconsistency pr. For example Act Number 14 of 1970, as has been replaced by Act Number 35 of 1999, and was replaced again by Act Number 4 of 2004 as well as the latter is replaced by Act Number 48 of 2009, regarding the power of Justice, to use the term legal aid and lawyers. Birth of the Act of the Republic of Indonesia Number 18 of 2003 concerning The Advocate is the expectation of a long delayed during the 58 years since the independence of the Republic of Indonesia, the laws governing the profession of advocate a free, independent and responsible for the implementation of a judicial honest, fair, and legal certainty for all seekers of justice in upholding the law, truth, justice, and human rights.  

The Concept of the Rule-of-Law State in Carl Schmitt’s Verfassungslehre

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Dyzenhaus
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Theory ◽  
Individual Liberty ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Liberal Tradition ◽  
Oral Argument ◽  
The Law

This chapter focuses on Schmitt’s critique of the rule of law in his Constitutional Theory. Schmitt argues that liberalism, which once tied the rule of law to the protection of individual liberty, has deteriorated into an account in which any valid law is considered legitimate just because it is valid. This critique is driven by Schmitt’s conception of politics, and, as his oral argument in a crucial constitutional case of 1932 illustrates, his position affirms that law cannot be more than a mere instrument of political power and that it can stabilize politics only if the political power is exercised to bring about a substantive homogeneity in the population subject to the law. In conclusion, it is suggested that Schmitt points to genuine weaknesses in the liberal tradition that require an elaboration of a secular conception of authority in which principles of legality play a central role.

scholarly journals Perlindungan Hukum Terhadap Hak Masyarakat Dalam Perjanjian Kerjasama Perkebunan Kelapa Sawit

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 175
Author(s):  
Hamdan Siregar
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Oil Palm ◽  
Legal Protection ◽  
Cooperation Agreement ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Oil Palm Plantation ◽  
Public Property ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

The State of the Republic of Indonesia is a legal state which is contained in Article 1 Paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution, in the rule of law, the power in running the Government based on the rule of law, in Indonesia there have been many cooperation agreements in the field of plantation, in the establishment of plantation based on the principle legal certainty to protect the parties in the cooperation agreement between BUMD and PT.MTL where in the plantation management agreement is not running smoothly, causing conflict between the community with PT.MTL party. Based on the above issues, what is the legal relationship between the parties in the oil palm plantation cooperation agreement, how is the legal effect on the community rights in the oil palm plantation cooperation agreement, how is the legal protection of the community within the palm oil plantation agreement. This research is juridical sociological with the nature of research is descriptive analytical. Processing is done by editing and then analyzed by using qualitative analysis methode. From the result of the research, it can be concluded that (1) the occurrence of civil relation between the parties based on the cooperation agreement between BUMD and PT.MTL and letter of land delivery between the community and BUMD (2) due to law on community land in this cooperation agreement the transition of rights, from public property rights to State land. (3) the absence of legal protection of community land that has been submitted to the BUMD to be granted the Right to Use Enterprises

scholarly journals ПОКРЕТАЊЕ ПОСТУПКА НОРМАТИВНЕ КОНТРОЛЕ ПРАВА У РЕПУБЛИЦИ СРБИЈИ

TEME ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 1419
Author(s):  
Bálint Pásztor
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Democratic Culture ◽  
Advantages And Disadvantages ◽  
Institutional Values ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The One

The author of the article analyzes the specificities of the normative control of the law, i.e. the procedure of assessing the constitutionality and legality of the law in the Republic of Serbia, with the aim of detecting historical and legal preconditions of the effective functioning of the rule of law. The historical perspective of the development of the constitutional judiciary in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia, as well as the analysis of the experiences of various systems of control of constitutionality and legality, open the contextual, scientific-historical and pragmatic dimensions of understanding. The specificity of the system of normative control is reflected in its triplicity, meaning that three institutes are known that characterize different procedural possibilities (to initiate the process of assessing the constitutionality and legality of general acts). The paper is written in order to point out the dichotomy of the proposal and initiative of the procedure of the assessment of constitutionality and legality, as well as the advantages and disadvantages of the ex officio procedure. Furthermore, the author wanted to point out the essential and procedural differences between the proposal, the initiative and the constitutional complaint, especially analyzing the purpose of retaining the institute of the initiative in the light of the existence of the constitutional complaint and the fact that the initiative does not imply the automation of the initiation of proceedings. The dilemma that the article opens concerns the possibility that in the case of abolishing the initiative as an institution accessible to all, is it possible to preserve the democratic culture and the participation of citizens, furthermore is it possible to abolish the fundamental institutional values and freedoms of a legal state and the rule of law? The paper opens other issues of importance for the establishment of an effective constitutional architecture that concern: the width of the circle of authorized proposers of normative control before the Constitutional Court; the dual role of the constitutional judiciary: on the one hand protection of the Constitution, constitutionality and legality, on the other hand effective protection of human and minority rights and freedoms.

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