scholarly journals The (d)evolution of scientific temper in India

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-49
Author(s):  
Kholhring Lalchhandama

Jawaharlal Nehru was most instrumental in instilling scientific temper at the birth of modern India. In contrast, as Bharatiya Janata Party came into power in 2014, their top-down governance is explicitly trying to promote Vedic science. The Prime Minister boasted off of genetics in Mahabharata, and plastic surgery in the Vedas. The origin of Heisenberg’s uncertainty principle form the Vedas is the pride of the Home Minister. The Minister of Science and Technology contended that the Vedas contain better theory than E = mc2. There is increased veneration of cattle. A large-scale promotion of bovine urine and dung as medicine, called cowpathy or, as they embrace it, panchagavya is on the rise. To that effect, gold was discovered in the urine of Gir cows, but really to no effect. Their cows breathe in and out oxygen, and peafowl are confirmed celibates. The Minister of State for Human Resources Development ridiculed evolutionary biology proclaiming that Darwin’s theory is scientifically flawed. We, the people of India, deserve better wisdom. As Nehru would have put it, “a baseless dogma or a hopeless aspiration” of this sort will never elate India, or any nation for that matter, to scientific progression, not to say economic and social developments.

Author(s):  
John T. Lauridsen

John T. Lauridsen: The government’s recommendations were not voiced in vain. Erik Scavenius’ meeting with the press on 14 September 1942 Erik Scavenius did not hold many major press conferences in his time as Foreign Minister, nor as Prime Minister and Foreign Minister in the period 1940–43. An exception occurred on 14 September 1942, when a great number of issues coincided and led him to hold a large scale meeting in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to explain simultaneously to prominent members of Danish press, politicians and civil servants what the government’s policy was, how the government and its policy was handled in the press and in particular, how the government’s policy should be presented. Both the government’s partners and the press were severely criticized and it was implied there was a government mole so that confidential information was being leaked. The press needed to understand its responsibility at this difficult time in Denmark. The people from the press were allowed to respond and on the whole were seemingly receptive to the instructions. What took place at the meeting was not reported in the newspapers the following day. Instead, background material was provided with the intent of counteracting tendencies in the press running counter to government policy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Jyotirmaya Tripathy

Abstract Modernity as a set of attitudes based on reason, or as the cultivation of scientific temper, was informed by the imperative of development in a postcolonial state like India. Alongside the rise of democracy, there was the pressing need for removing poverty and ensuring fulfilment of basic needs for the common people. It is in this sphere of addressing poverty and underdevelopment that India became modern in a very material and substantive sense. The paper makes a case for an understanding of modernity that is deeply rooted in the material needs of the people and traces this impulse of development modernity from the time of India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru till the present government led by Narendra Modi. While doing so, it problematises Nehru’s and Modi’s statist understanding of development and brings them to conversation to understand the continuing promise of modernity predicated on development. In the process both Nehru and Modi are interpreted vis-à-vis the times they lived in as well as their responses to what constituted India’s core values, their relationship with modernity and development’s place in it.


Author(s):  
Chaihark Hahm ◽  
Sung Ho Kim
Keyword(s):  

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald C. Dahlin
Keyword(s):  

2000 ◽  
Vol 151 (3) ◽  
pp. 80-83
Author(s):  
Pascal Schneider ◽  
Jean-Pierre Sorg

In and around the state-owned forest of Farako in the region of Sikasso, Mali, a large-scale study focused on finding a compromise allowing the existential and legitimate needs of the population to be met and at the same time conserving the forest resources in the long term. The first step in research was to sketch out the rural socio-economic context and determine the needs for natural resources for autoconsumption and commercial use as well as the demand for non-material forest services. Simultaneously, the environmental context of the forest and the resources available were evaluated by means of inventories with regard to quality and quantity. According to an in-depth comparison between demand and potential, there is a differentiated view of the suitability of the forest to meet the needs of the people living nearby. Propositions for a multipurpose management of the forest were drawn up. This contribution deals with some basic elements of research methodology as well as with results of the study.


Author(s):  
Leif Wenar

Article 1 of both of the major human rights covenants declares that the people of each country “shall freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources.” This chapter considers what conditions would have to hold for the people of a country to exercise this right—and why public accountability over natural resources is the only realistic solution to the “resource curse,” which makes resource-rich countries more prone to authoritarianism, civil conflict, and large-scale corruption. It also discusses why cosmopolitans, who have often been highly critical of prerogatives of state sovereignty, have good reason to endorse popular sovereignty over natural resources. Those who hope for more cosmopolitan institutions should see strengthening popular resource sovereignty as the most responsible path to achieving their own goals.


Author(s):  
M. E. J. Newman ◽  
R. G. Palmer

Developed after a meeting at the Santa Fe Institute on extinction modeling, this book comments critically on the various modeling approaches. In the last decade or so, scientists have started to examine a new approach to the patterns of evolution and extinction in the fossil record. This approach may be called "statistical paleontology," since it looks at large-scale patterns in the record and attempts to understand and model their average statistical features, rather than their detailed structure. Examples of the patterns these studies examine are the distribution of the sizes of mass extinction events over time, the distribution of species lifetimes, or the apparent increase in the number of species alive over the last half a billion years. In attempting to model these patterns, researchers have drawn on ideas not only from paleontology, but from evolutionary biology, ecology, physics, and applied mathematics, including fitness landscapes, competitive exclusion, interaction matrices, and self-organized criticality. A self-contained review of work in this field.


2021 ◽  
Vol 95 (2) ◽  
pp. 335-340
Author(s):  
Laura Phillips Sawyer

A long-standing, and deeply controversial, question in constitutional law is whether or not the Constitution's protections for “persons” and “people” extend to corporations. Law professor Adam Winkler's We the Corporations chronicles the most important legal battles launched by corporations to “win their constitutional rights,” by which he means both civil rights against discriminatory state action and civil liberties enshrined in the Bill of Rights and the Constitution (p. xvii). Today, we think of the former as the right to be free from unequal treatment, often protected by statutory laws, and the latter as liberties that affect the ability to live one's life fully, such as the freedom of religion, speech, or association. The vim in Winkler's argument is that the court blurred this distinction when it applied liberty rights to nonprofit corporations and then, through a series of twentieth-century rulings, corporations were able to advance greater claims to liberty rights. Ultimately, those liberty rights have been employed to strike down significant bipartisan regulations, such as campaign finance laws, which were intended to advance democratic participation in the political process. At its core, this book asks, to what extent do “we the people” rule corporations and to what extent do they rule us?


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