Popular Resource Sovereignty

Author(s):  
Leif Wenar

Article 1 of both of the major human rights covenants declares that the people of each country “shall freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources.” This chapter considers what conditions would have to hold for the people of a country to exercise this right—and why public accountability over natural resources is the only realistic solution to the “resource curse,” which makes resource-rich countries more prone to authoritarianism, civil conflict, and large-scale corruption. It also discusses why cosmopolitans, who have often been highly critical of prerogatives of state sovereignty, have good reason to endorse popular sovereignty over natural resources. Those who hope for more cosmopolitan institutions should see strengthening popular resource sovereignty as the most responsible path to achieving their own goals.

2000 ◽  
Vol 151 (3) ◽  
pp. 80-83
Author(s):  
Pascal Schneider ◽  
Jean-Pierre Sorg

In and around the state-owned forest of Farako in the region of Sikasso, Mali, a large-scale study focused on finding a compromise allowing the existential and legitimate needs of the population to be met and at the same time conserving the forest resources in the long term. The first step in research was to sketch out the rural socio-economic context and determine the needs for natural resources for autoconsumption and commercial use as well as the demand for non-material forest services. Simultaneously, the environmental context of the forest and the resources available were evaluated by means of inventories with regard to quality and quantity. According to an in-depth comparison between demand and potential, there is a differentiated view of the suitability of the forest to meet the needs of the people living nearby. Propositions for a multipurpose management of the forest were drawn up. This contribution deals with some basic elements of research methodology as well as with results of the study.


2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283
Author(s):  
Subhendu Ranjan Raj

Development process in Odisha (before 2011 Orissa) may have led to progress but has also resulted in large-scale dispossession of land, homesteads, forests and also denial of livelihood and human rights. In Odisha as the requirements of development increase, the arena of contestation between the state/corporate entities and the people has correspondingly multiplied because the paradigm of contemporary model of growth is not sustainable and leads to irreparable ecological/environmental costs. It has engendered many people’s movements. Struggles in rural Odisha have increasingly focused on proactively stopping of projects, mining, forcible land, forest and water acquisition fallouts from government/corporate sector. Contemporaneously, such people’s movements are happening in Kashipur, Kalinga Nagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, etc. They have not gained much success in achieving their objectives. However, the people’s movement of Baliapal in Odisha is acknowledged as a success. It stopped the central and state governments from bulldozing resistance to set up a National Missile Testing Range in an agriculturally rich area in the mid-1980s by displacing some lakhs of people of their land, homesteads, agricultural production, forests and entitlements. A sustained struggle for 12 years against the state by using Gandhian methods of peaceful civil disobedience movement ultimately won and the government was forced to abandon its project. As uneven growth strategies sharpen, the threats to people’s human rights, natural resources, ecology and subsistence are deepening. Peaceful and non-violent protest movements like Baliapal may be emulated in the years ahead.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan Becker ◽  
Jonathan Markowitz ◽  
Sarah Orsborn ◽  
Srividya Dasaraju ◽  
Lindsay Lauder ◽  
...  

What are the causal pathways through which natural resources are linked to civil conflict? The most comprehensive answer to this question comes from Ross (2004), who conducted the first qualitative causal pathway analysis on this issue. Despite the study's prominence, its findings have never been replicated due to the challenge of re- coding thirteen hypotheses across thirteen cases. To overcome this, we conduct the first qualitative replication in Political Science to employ an original codebook, a team of coders, and inter-coder reliability checks. We find that 24% of Ross' codings fail to replicate, a large enough share to alter his core findings. Contrary to Ross, we find that resources affect conflict onset through the pathways of both greed and grievance. Additionally, we find that resources generally increase conflict intensity and duration. Our methods and approach can be broadly applied to future qualitative research, especially medium-N causal pathway analysis.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110558
Author(s):  
Michael Neocosmos

Through a review of the two works below, I discuss how the Saint Domingue/Haiti Revolutions clarify the history of the opposition between popular sovereignty and state sovereignty. The people and the state developed as distinct political actors throughout the nineteenth century in particular. The former constructed a completely new society founded on egalitarian norms influenced by African cultures. The latter failed to establish its sovereignty and reverted to a colonial form, thus illustrating the core characteristics of the neocolonial state now widespread in the Global South in general and in Africa in particular.


1990 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-20

The human rights situation has continued to improve as glasnost matures and as Gorbachev's plan to establish a law-based society unfolds. The loosening of restraints, which has been linked to the process of democratization, has had a dramatic impact on human rights. At the same time, the nature of the human rights issue in the Soviet Union has shifted from what it was even last year. Large-scale demonstrations are now mundane events, as is the right to speak one's thoughts freely or to go to church. What has changed is that the process of enforcing or guaranteeing rights is now being generated from below, whereas in the beginning this process started from above. The reform process now has a life of its own among the people, who are demanding all sorts of things.


2014 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 507-531
Author(s):  
Elisa Freiburg

This article examines the legal connections between the modern phenomenon of ‘land grabbing’ – large-scale acquisitions of land rights by foreign investors – and the human right to self-determination. It is argued that the right to self-determination and in particular the principle of permanent sovereignty over natural resources cannot only be invoked by one State against another, but also by the people against its own government, thus legally binding all States involved in the process. The basic premise shall not be that land grabbing is per se illegal; it depends on how it is performed. The right to self-determination and the principle of permanent sovereignty over natural resources bring along important restrictions that States have to honour. Governments should develop their foreign investment relations in a way that ensures the human rights of their populations, especially given the fact that in this respect business corporations are not bound by any hard international law. The regulation of the investment is an important factor: transparency and involvement of local authorities at the planning stage, as well as the participation in the investment’s benefits help to ensure that a people is not deprived of its own means of subsistence.


Author(s):  
L. M. Kapitsa

The article reviews international debates on development problems of the resource-based economies. It draws atten tion to causes and mechanisms of the so-called "resource curse" and symptoms of systemic breakdowns and stagnant phenomena in resource-based economies named "Dutch disease". Specific attention is given to the role of national elites and institutions in the emergence of "Dutch disease", preservation of economic backwardness and/or de-industrialization of resource-rich countries. The author also considers new approaches to resolving the problem of'resource-curse", in particular, return to traditional instruments of economic diversification as industrialization and protectionism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (12) ◽  
pp. 575
Author(s):  
Rabah Arezki ◽  
Markus Brueckner

Military expenditures significantly affect the relationship between the risk of civil conflict outbreak and natural resources. We show that a significant positive effect of natural resource rents on the risk of civil conflict outbreak is limited to countries with low military expenditures. In countries with high military expenditures, there is no significant effect of natural resource rents on civil conflict onset. An important message is thus that a conflict resource curse is absent in countries with sufficiently large military expenditures.


2020 ◽  
Vol 110 (11) ◽  
pp. 3431-3453 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Armand ◽  
Alexander Coutts ◽  
Pedro C. Vicente ◽  
Inês Vilela

Natural resources can have a negative impact on the economy through corruption and civil conflict. This paper tests whether information can counteract this political resource curse. We implement a large-scale field experiment following the dissemination of information about a substantial natural gas discovery in Mozambique. We measure outcomes related to the behavior of citizens and local leaders through georeferenced conflict data, behavioral activities, lab-in-the-field experiments, and surveys. We find that information targeting citizens and their involvement in public deliberations increases local mobilization and decreases violence. By contrast, when information reaches only local leaders, it increases elite capture and rent-seeking. (JEL C73, D72, D74, O13, O17, Q33, Q34)


Author(s):  
Basem Ertimi ◽  
Tamat Sarmidi ◽  
Norlin Khalid ◽  
Mohd Helmi Ali

The resource curse indicates that economic growth performs poorly in countries with significant natural resources. Nevertheless, certain countries rich in energy managed to protect their resource riches in the long run. It is necessary to enforce effective policies in resource-rich countries to fully leverage the advantages which can come from the abundance of natural resources. This study aimed to evaluate how oil-rich countries would avoid resource flows by successful fiscal and management policies. By taking the guidance of Norway and implementing fiscal policy focused on tax rules on its oil management, it is proposed that oil-exporting countries benefit significantly. The framework attempts to mitigate this resource curse and utilise oil revenues in the interest of the country.


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