Bartholomew James Sulivan's discovery of fossil vertebrates in the Tertiary beds of Patagonia

2003 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. Brinkman

While commanding a Royal Navy survey of the Falkland Islands in 1845, Bartholomew James Sulivan discovered and collected fossil mammals at Rio Gallegos, Patagonia. Described the following year by Richard Owen, Sulivan's specimens comprised the first collection taken from what would later be designated the Santa Cruz beds (early-middle Miocene), the most prolific fossil mammal horizon in South America and the oldest discovered by Sulivan's time. Unfortunately, Charles Darwin's conservative estimate of the age of the fossils delayed the full appreciation of Sulivan's discovery. Sulivan was only moderately successful at attracting interest in his discovery among British naturalists. By the time that the first extensive collections of Santa Cruz fossil mammals were made by Argentine paleontologists Carlos and Florentino Ameghino, in the 1890s, Sulivan's pioneering role in the history of South American vertebrate paleontology had been overshadowed and all but forgotten. An examination of Sulivan's experience provides a general model for the process whereby some contributors to science descend from initial fame to lasting obscurity.

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Jiménez-Lara ◽  
Jhon González

AbstractThe evolutionary history of the South American anteaters, Vermilingua, is incompletely known as consequence of the fragmentary and geographically biased nature of the fossil record of this group. Neotamandua borealis is the only recorded extinct species from northern South America, specifically from the Middle Miocene of La Venta area, southwestern Colombia. A new genus and species of myrmecophagid for La Venta, Gen. et sp. nov., is here described based on a new partial skull. Additionally, given that the co-occurrent species of Gen. et sp. nov., N. borealis, was originally referred to as Neotamandua, the taxonomic status of this genus is revised. The morphological and taxonomic analyses of these taxa indicate that Gen. et sp. nov. may be related to Tamandua and that the justification of the generic assignments of the species referred to as Neotamandua is weak or insufficient. Two species previously referred to as Neotamandua (N. magna and N.? australis) were designated as species inquirendae and new diagnostic information for the redefined genus and its type species, N. conspicua, is provided. Together, these results suggest that the diversification of Myrmecophagidae was taxonomically and biogeographically more complex than what has been proposed so far. Considering the new evidence, it is proposed a synthetic model on the diversification of these xenartrans during the late Cenozoic based on the probable relationships between their intrinsic ecological constraints and some major abiotic changes in the Americas.


Palaios ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (12) ◽  
pp. 639-651
Author(s):  
RODRIGO L. TOMASSINI ◽  
CLAUDIA I. MONTALVO ◽  
M.SUSANA BARGO ◽  
SERGIO F. VIZCAÍNO ◽  
JOSÉ I. CUITIÑO

ABSTRACT Coprolites are a useful tool to obtain information related to the life history of the producer, trophic interactions, biodiversity, paleoenvironments, and paleoclimate, among other issues. We analyze here a sample of 111 coprolites recovered from levels of the Santa Cruz Formation (lower–middle Miocene, Burdigalian–early Langhian), outcropping in different localities of the Santa Cruz Province, Patagonian Argentina. Based on size and shape, two morphotypes were identified: coprolites assigned to morphotype I vary from ovoid to subspherical in shape, while coprolites assigned to morphotype II are cylindrical in shape. Several coprolites have bone and teeth inclusions belonging to small mammals (i.e., Octodontoidea and/or Chinchilloidea rodents). Morphometry, composition, and taphonomy of the bone remains suggest that the coprolites were produced by carnivorous mammals. According to the features of the guild of carnivorous mammals from the Santa Cruz Formation, we interpret that hathliacynids and/or small borhyaenoids (Sparassodonta) are the most probable producers. Different traces recorded in the coprolites, such as borings and putative eggs, suggest that the feces were exploited by coprophagous insects, probably dung beetles, for different purposes such as feeding and possible oviposition.


1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry M. Gough

In December 1832 and January 1833 the British reoccupied the Falkland Islands or the Malvinas. This reassertion of British sovereignty began an uninterrupted period of control that lasted until 2 April 1982, when armed forces of the Republic of Argentina forced the surrender of the British governor and garrison at Stanley, the capital of what the British had come to call “The Falkland Islands Dependency.” The Argentine occupation ended with a surrender to British arms on 14 June 1982. These celebrated events of recent times brought forth a fundamental question, here addressed: Why did the British possess the islands in the first place? The British government's motivation for reoccupying the Falklands in 1832–33 is insufficiently explained in existing historical literature, though the legal intricacies are known. Julius Goebel the Younger, a student of international law, termed the contest for sovereignty of the islands a “struggle.” However, his work, a study in international legal history, was not based on strategic, maritime, and economic considerations and, moreover, did not probe the question of British motivation in reoccupation. V. F. Boyson's history of the islands is a valuable survey but it inadequately investigates the same theme and the precise period under consideration. Other histories of the Falklands written in English do not examine the matter of motivation in depth. Argentine sources are extensive and see the British reoccupation as illegal. They tend at the same time to recite the arguments for sovereignty over the Malvinas; and one Argentine historian has called the reoccupation “the third English invasion,” in reference to two previous occupations by the British in 1765 and 1771. The following inquiry seeks to rectify these matters and is based on British documents, particularly in-letters of Commanders-in-Chief on the South American station. These reports to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty reveal two concerns: firstly, the infringement by Argentine and American traders and marine exploiters in territory and territorial waters traditionally claimed but not effectively occupied by the United Kingdom and, secondly, the importance of the Falklands as a base from which to safeguard the sea routes of the southern oceans.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yamila P. Cardoso ◽  
Luiz Jardim de Queiroz ◽  
Ilham A. Bahechar ◽  
Paula E. Posadas ◽  
Juan I. Montoya-Burgos

AbstractDistribution history of the widespread Neotropical genus Hypostomus was studied to shed light on the processes that shaped species diversity. We inferred a calibrated phylogeny, ancestral habitat preference, ancestral areas distribution, and the history of dispersal and vicariance events of this genus. The phylogenetic and distribution analyses indicate that Hypostomus species inhabiting La Plata Basin do not form a monophyletic clade, suggesting that several unrelated ancestral species colonized this basin in the Miocene. Dispersal to other rivers of La Plata Basin started about 8 Mya, followed by habitat shifts and an increased rate of cladogenesis. Amazonian Hypostomus species colonized La Plata Basin several times in the Middle Miocene, probably via the Upper Paraná and the Paraguay rivers that acted as dispersal corridors. During the Miocene, La Plata Basin experienced marine incursions, and geomorphological and climatic changes that reconfigured its drainage pattern, driving dispersal and diversification of Hypostomus. The Miocene marine incursion was a strong barrier and its retraction triggered Hypostomus dispersal, increased speciation rate and ecological diversification. The timing of hydrogeological changes in La Plata Basin coincides well with Hypostomus cladogenetic events, indicating that the history of this basin has acted on the diversification of its biota.


2008 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 425-431 ◽  
Author(s):  
Santiago Brizuela ◽  
Adriana María Albino

Abstract Remains of teiids assignable to the Tupinambinae (Tupinambis sp. or Crocodilurus sp.) are here described from the middle Miocene Collón Curá Formation at Cañadón del Tordillo, in Neuquén province, Argentina. No tupinambine species presently inhabits the region of the fossil locality. The fossils represent the westernmost distribution of fossil tupinambine teiids in Patagonia, enlarging the known geographical distribution of the teiids through the Miocene in a longitudinal range. Also, they constitute the first record of lizards from the Colloncuran SALMA, partially filling the record of tupinambine teiids for the South American Miocene.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 48-65
Author(s):  
Alan G. Hartman

Abstract Colombia is a South American nation that has captured the imagination of the world. It is a land of beautiful colonial cities and towns, famous for coffee production, rich emerald mines, and the literature of José Asunción Silva and Gabriel García Márquez. Colombia’s beauty and rich literary history, however, are often overshadowed by the memory of Pablo Escobar, a notorious drug lord, and numerous deadly guerilla groups. Their roles in the international drug trade made Colombia the top producer and exporter of cocaine, which resulted in terrorism and violence that left the country one of the world’s most dangerous.1 In this article, I will explore how violence in Colombia has perpetuated the theme of hopelessness in the nation’s literature beginning in the mid-twentieth century. I will show this in three parts. Firstly, I will trace the history of violence in Colombia through the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and show that a literary genre of violence was absent in the nation until 1946, when the period known as “la Violencia” commenced. Secondly, I will explore how hopelessness resulted from violence in Colombia beginning in the period of “la Violencia.” Thirdly, I will show how violence is depicted as an evil that traps the protagonists of the contemporary Colombian novels La Virgen de Los Sicarios and Satanás in a state of hopelessness due to their powerlessness to truly change themselves because of the frustrated society in which they live.


Author(s):  
Ben Nobbs-Thiessen

In the wake of a 1952 revolution, leaders of Bolivia's National Revolutionary Movement (MNR) embarked on a program of internal colonization known as the "March to the East." In an impoverished country dependent on highland mining, the MNR sought to convert the nation’s vast "undeveloped" Amazonian frontier into farmland, hoping to achieve food security, territorial integrity, and demographic balance. To do so, they encouraged hundreds of thousands of Indigenous Bolivians to relocate from the "overcrowded" Andes to the tropical lowlands, but also welcomed surprising transnational migrant streams, including horse-and-buggy Mennonites from Mexico and displaced Okinawans from across the Pacific. Ben Nobbs-Thiessen details the multifaceted results of these migrations on the environment of the South American interior. As he reveals, one of the "migrants" with the greatest impact was the soybean, which Bolivia embraced as a profitable cash crop while eschewing earlier goals of food security, creating a new model for extractive export agriculture. Half a century of colonization would transform the small regional capital of Santa Cruz de la Sierra into Bolivia's largest city, and the diverging stories of Andean, Mennonite, and Okinawan migrants complicate our understandings of tradition, modernity, foreignness, and belonging in the heart of a rising agro-industrial empire.


2018 ◽  
Vol 91 (2) ◽  
pp. 881-891 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Andrew Nunnery ◽  
Sherilyn C. Fritz ◽  
Paul A. Baker ◽  
Wout Salenbien

AbstractVarious paleoclimatic records have been used to reconstruct the hydrologic history of the Altiplano, relating this history to past variability of the South American summer monsoon. Prior studies of the southern Altiplano, the location of the world’s largest salt flat, the Salar de Uyuni, and its neighbor, the Salar de Coipasa, generally agree in their reconstructions of the climate history of the past ∼24 ka. Some studies, however, have highly divergent climatic records and interpretations of earlier periods. In this study, lake-level variation was reconstructed from a ∼14-m-long sediment core from the Salar de Coipasa. These sediments span the last ∼40 ka. Lacustrine sediment accumulation was apparently continuous in the basin from ∼40 to 6 ka, with dry or very shallow conditions afterward. The fossil diatom stratigraphy and geochemical data (δ13C, δ15N, %Ca, C/N) indicate fluctuations in lake level from shallow to moderately deep, with the deepest conditions correlative with the Heinrich-1 and Younger Dryas events. The stratigraphy shows a continuous lake of variable depth and salinity during the last glacial maximum and latter stages of Marine Oxygen Isotope Stage 3 and is consistent with environmental inferences and the original chronology of a drill core from Salar de Uyuni.


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