Campaigning for Jobs and Communities in the 1980s

2019 ◽  
pp. 229-268
Author(s):  
Jim Phillips
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Employment Opportunities ◽  
Unsuccessful Attempt ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Mining Communities ◽  
Scottish Parliament ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Uk

The 1984-85 miners’ strike in defence of collieries, jobs and communities was an unsuccessful attempt to reverse the change in economic direction driven in the UK by Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative governments. The government was committed to removing workforce voice from the industry. Its struggle against the miners was a war against the working class more generally. Mining communities were grievously affected in economic terms by the strike and its aftermath, but in the longer run emerged with renewed solidarity. Gender relations, evolving from the 1960s as employment opportunities for women increased, changed in further progressive ways. This strengthened the longer-term cohesion of mining communities. The strike had a more general and lasting political impact in Scotland. The narrative of a distinct Scottish national commitment to social justice, attacked by a UK government without democratic mandate, drew decisive moral force from the anti-Thatcherite resistance of men and women in the coalfields. This renewed the campaign for a Scottish Parliament, which came to successful fruition in 1999.

Resisting Closures and Winning Wages in the 1960s and 1970s

2019 ◽  
pp. 197-228
Author(s):  
Jim Phillips
Keyword(s):  
Employment Opportunities ◽  
Unsuccessful Attempt ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Mining Communities ◽  
Scottish Parliament ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Uk

The 1984-85 miners’ strike in defence of collieries, jobs and communities was an unsuccessful attempt to reverse the change in economic direction driven in the UK by Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative governments. The government was committed to removing workforce voice from the industry. Its struggle against the miners was a war against the working class more generally. Mining communities were grievously affected in economic terms by the strike and its aftermath, but in the longer run emerged with renewed solidarity. Gender relations, evolving from the 1960s as employment opportunities for women increased, changed in further progressive ways. This strengthened the longer-term cohesion of mining communities. The strike had a more general and lasting political impact in Scotland. The narrative of a distinct Scottish national commitment to social justice, attacked by a UK government without democratic mandate, drew decisive moral force from the anti-Thatcherite resistance of men and women in the coalfields. This renewed the campaign for a Scottish Parliament, which came to successful fruition in 1999.

A beta bailout: the near future of state intervention

Soundings ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 75 (75) ◽  
pp. 37-54
Author(s):  
Craig Berry ◽  
Daniel Bailey ◽  
Katy Jones
Keyword(s):  
State Intervention ◽  
Government Support ◽  
Social Infrastructure ◽  
Active Labour Market Policy ◽  
Employment Opportunities ◽  
New Public ◽  
Active Labour ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Near Future

This article asks what kind of state intervention is needed for a post-Covid recovery. The government bailout will seek to sustain a modified form of neoliberalism, but what is needed is a bailout for society from the wreckage of the neoliberal paradigm. The outlines of a strategy for the UK economy are presented: at its heart is a radical industrial policy that prioritises social infrastructure, a green transition and providing quality employment opportunities, while paying particular attention to the functioning of the foundational economy. An active labour market policy (ALMP) is also needed, which turns away from a focus on conditionality for those on benefits, and instead focuses support on industries less affected by the pandemic and its implications for demand, including through securing a workforce that is ready to populate them. Conditionality should, on the other hand, be imposed on firms receiving government support. Bailout 2.0 must also involve intervention designed to create new public assets, managed via new forms of democratic ownership.

scholarly journals Regional entrepreneurial ecosystems: Technological transformation, digitalisation and the longer term—The automotive and ICT sectors in the UK and Bulgaria

2021 ◽  
pp. 026909422110257
Author(s):  
Chiara N Focacci ◽  
Vassil Kirov
Keyword(s):  
Technological Transformation ◽  
Regional Clusters ◽  
Entrepreneurial Ecosystems ◽  
Economic Paradigm ◽  
West Midlands ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The One ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Successful Innovation

We investigate how regional entrepreneurial ecosystems have adapted to the information revolution as a techno-economic paradigm since the 1960s. Particularly, we look at how the organisation of firms and labour has changed in the automotive and ICT sectors in, respectively, the UK and Bulgaria. Findings show that, in both countries, it was the degree of cooperation between the local enterprises, research institutions and the government that enabled successful innovation in the regional clusters of the West Midlands and Sofia. The resulting ecosystems allowed, on the one hand, the already mature automotive sector in the UK to survive and, on the other hand, the newly developed ICT sector to be installed successfully in Bulgaria.

scholarly journals UK Migration Policy before and after Brexit

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 506-516
Author(s):  
Oleg V. Okhoshin
Keyword(s):  
Social Services ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
State Budget ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Government ◽  
Migration Crisis ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Restrictive Measures ◽  
Conceptual Foundations

The article discusses political course of the conservative governments of the UK regarding migration legislation reforms in the context of such challenges of globalization as the European migration crisis of 2015 and Brexit. The analysis of evolution of the conceptual foundations of British migration policy allows us to conclude that the conservatives, since they came to power in 2010, continue to follow the tradition of tightening the rules for entry and residence of foreign citizens, which emerged under the government of G. Macmillan in the 1960s. The key difference in the 21st century is the change in the vector of the restrictive measures used by the conservatives against uncontrolled migration from the EU and third world countries, with particular focus on strengthening administrative supervision of foreigners arriving in the UK for employment or reunification with relatives. The British approach to migration control remained stricter than in many EU countries and was especially tightened due to Brexit, because the government was afraid of a massive influx of low-skilled migrants who would overwhelm the labor market and leave British citizens jobless. At the same time, it was necessary to remove the high burden on the state budget and social services that could not cope with the increase in the level of net migration. There was a sharp transition from the ideology of multiculturalism to the practical application of the concept of hostile environment proposed by T. May, which forced immigrants to leave the country.

scholarly journals Women’s Empowerment Through Gender Budgeting – A Review In Pakistani Context

2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-91
Author(s):  
Shagufta Nasreen ◽  
Aliyah Ali
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Gender Role ◽  
Gender Gap ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Equal Distribution ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Distribution Of Resources ◽  
The Government ◽  
International Conventions ◽  
Gender Budgeting

Budget is basically an itemized summary of estimated or intended expenditures for a given period along with proposals for financing them. Unfortunately in Pakistan due to lack of sustainable approach in policy makers every budget failed to achieve its goals. Though after the introduction of term ‘gender’ and ‘equality’ thoughts and plan of actions changed but one factor is usually neglected that equity and social justice doesn’t mean equal distribution of resources but distribution of resources according to the need and priorities of men and women. Pakistan is signatory of many international conventions and according to them it is the responsibility of the government to formulate policies and budget according to gender role and responsibility the needs of both men and women. Pakistani government has started many projects and programs to fill the gender gap. Gender budgeting related initiatives are part of this strategy. This paper reviews the efforts carried out in Pakistan and their success and future implications.

3. Debating Politics and Making Laws

2021 ◽  
pp. 63-97
Author(s):  
Peter John
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Scottish Parliament ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk

This chapter evaluates the institution of the UK Parliament, where parliamentarians have a chance to debate issues of the day and to make laws. It reviews classic arguments about the power of Parliament in relation to the executive, before looking at the role of the House of Lords and the House of Commons. The account is still influenced by the Westminster system of government, whereby the executive in the form of the government is sustained in power by having a majority in the House of Commons. The chapter then considers what Members of Parliament (MPs) and other representatives do in office, and how their behaviour links to other features of the political process, such as public opinion and constituency interests. It also compares other legislatures, such as the Scottish Parliament, with the UK Parliament.

scholarly journals Revisiting the 2001 Riots: New Labour and the Rise of ‘Colour Blind Racism’

2009 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 80-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Rhodes
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Racial Inequality ◽  
The United States ◽  
New Labour ◽  
Dominant Form ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Government ◽  
Politics Of Race ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Uk

Following the Civil Rights legislation enacted in the 1960s in the United States, the notion of ‘colourblind’ racism has emerged within sociological literature. It has been used as a theoretical tool to explain the continuing presence of racism and racialised inequalities within a society where its significance in determining social location is increasingly disavowed. The use of the term has been restricted to those describing the politics of racism in America. However, this paper will consider the applicability of ‘colourblind racism’ to the UK context. The 2001 riots marked an important watershed in ‘race relations’ in Britain. They have been widely cited as marking the point at which New Labour retreated from the celebration of diversity in pursuit of a more monocultural, more ‘cohesive’ society. Through an analysis of the governmental response to the events of summer 2001 it will be suggested that notions of ‘colourblind’ racism can offer interesting insights into the development of the politics of ‘race’ in Britain. Drawing on Bonilla-Silva's (2006) elucidation of the key features of this dominant form of racism in the US, the extent to which these same factors guided New Labour's response will be considered. It will be argued that while it is important to recognize the different patterns of racial formation in the US and the UK, the government reaction to the 2001 riots demonstrates a broad adherence to the key tenets of colourblind racism. This is evident in Labour's failure to effectively engage with racism or the persistence of racial inequality.

scholarly journals Against Privatizing Schools in the United Kingdom

2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry Brighouse
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Private Sector ◽  
Minimal Level ◽  
Private Companies ◽  
Contracting Out ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Government ◽  
Contracting Process ◽  
The Uk

This paper argues against two models for privatizing schools in the UK: contracting out the management of schools to private companies, and voucher schemes. Contracting out cannot yield the efficiency benefits that are claimed for it, because the contracting process cannot be sufficiently competitive and the government cannot have sufficient knowledge of what makes schools successful to manage the contracts well. Vouchers will not work because the private sector in the UK will not be willing to participate in a scheme which incorporates regulations designed to achieve a minimal level of social justice.

scholarly journals The UK Government’s Troubled Families Programme: Delivering Social Justice?

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-309
Author(s):  
Stephen Crossley
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Social Policy ◽  
Family Intervention ◽  
Current Time ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Disadvantaged Families

This article examines and reviews the evidence surrounding the UK Government’s Troubled Families Programme (TFP), a flagship social policy launched in 2011, following riots in towns and cities across England. The programme aims to work with over 500,000 ‘troubled families’ by 2020, using a ‘whole family’ intervention. It has been beset by controversy and criticism since its inception, but it has been described by the government as ‘promoting social justice’. Drawing on Nancy Fraser’s work around recognition and redistribution, this article assesses the subjective aims and achievements of the TFP and locates this analysis in the wider objective conditions experienced by disadvantaged families in the UK at the current time.

Negotiating Boundaries Between Gender and Social Identities in the Principality of Samos: The Case of Divorces (1902–1911)

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 90
Author(s):  
Vasilios Gialamas ◽  
Sofia Iliadou Tachou ◽  
Alexia Orfanou
Keyword(s):  
Social Context ◽  
Gender Identity ◽  
Social Roles ◽  
Cultural Construction ◽  
Social Identities ◽  
Gender Ratio ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Qualitative Characteristics

This study focuses on divorces in the Principality of Samos, which existed from 1834 to 1912. The process of divorce is described according to the laws of the rincipality, and divorces are examined among those published in the Newspaper of the Government of the Principality of Samos from the last decade of the Principality from 1902 to 1911. Issues linked to divorce are investigated, like the differences between husbands and wives regarding the initiation and reasons for requesting a divorce. These differences are integrated in the specific social context of the Principality, and the qualitative characteristics are determined in regard to the gender ratio of women and men that is articulated by the invocation of divorce. The aim is to determine the boundaries of social identities of gender with focus on the prevailing perceptions of the social roles of men and women. Gender is used as a social and cultural construction. It is argued that the social gender identity is formed through a process of “performativity”, that is, through adaptation to the dominant social ideals.

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