Resisting Closures and Winning Wages in the 1960s and 1970s

2019 ◽  
pp. 197-228
Author(s):  
Jim Phillips
Keyword(s):  
Employment Opportunities ◽  
Unsuccessful Attempt ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Mining Communities ◽  
Scottish Parliament ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Uk

The 1984-85 miners’ strike in defence of collieries, jobs and communities was an unsuccessful attempt to reverse the change in economic direction driven in the UK by Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative governments. The government was committed to removing workforce voice from the industry. Its struggle against the miners was a war against the working class more generally. Mining communities were grievously affected in economic terms by the strike and its aftermath, but in the longer run emerged with renewed solidarity. Gender relations, evolving from the 1960s as employment opportunities for women increased, changed in further progressive ways. This strengthened the longer-term cohesion of mining communities. The strike had a more general and lasting political impact in Scotland. The narrative of a distinct Scottish national commitment to social justice, attacked by a UK government without democratic mandate, drew decisive moral force from the anti-Thatcherite resistance of men and women in the coalfields. This renewed the campaign for a Scottish Parliament, which came to successful fruition in 1999.

Campaigning for Jobs and Communities in the 1980s

2019 ◽  
pp. 229-268
Author(s):  
Jim Phillips
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Employment Opportunities ◽  
Unsuccessful Attempt ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Mining Communities ◽  
Scottish Parliament ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Uk

The 1984-85 miners’ strike in defence of collieries, jobs and communities was an unsuccessful attempt to reverse the change in economic direction driven in the UK by Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative governments. The government was committed to removing workforce voice from the industry. Its struggle against the miners was a war against the working class more generally. Mining communities were grievously affected in economic terms by the strike and its aftermath, but in the longer run emerged with renewed solidarity. Gender relations, evolving from the 1960s as employment opportunities for women increased, changed in further progressive ways. This strengthened the longer-term cohesion of mining communities. The strike had a more general and lasting political impact in Scotland. The narrative of a distinct Scottish national commitment to social justice, attacked by a UK government without democratic mandate, drew decisive moral force from the anti-Thatcherite resistance of men and women in the coalfields. This renewed the campaign for a Scottish Parliament, which came to successful fruition in 1999.

A beta bailout: the near future of state intervention

Soundings ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 75 (75) ◽  
pp. 37-54
Author(s):  
Craig Berry ◽  
Daniel Bailey ◽  
Katy Jones
Keyword(s):  
State Intervention ◽  
Government Support ◽  
Social Infrastructure ◽  
Active Labour Market Policy ◽  
Employment Opportunities ◽  
New Public ◽  
Active Labour ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Near Future

This article asks what kind of state intervention is needed for a post-Covid recovery. The government bailout will seek to sustain a modified form of neoliberalism, but what is needed is a bailout for society from the wreckage of the neoliberal paradigm. The outlines of a strategy for the UK economy are presented: at its heart is a radical industrial policy that prioritises social infrastructure, a green transition and providing quality employment opportunities, while paying particular attention to the functioning of the foundational economy. An active labour market policy (ALMP) is also needed, which turns away from a focus on conditionality for those on benefits, and instead focuses support on industries less affected by the pandemic and its implications for demand, including through securing a workforce that is ready to populate them. Conditionality should, on the other hand, be imposed on firms receiving government support. Bailout 2.0 must also involve intervention designed to create new public assets, managed via new forms of democratic ownership.

The Movement for Japanese American Redress

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan Asaka
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Japanese Americans ◽  
Japanese American ◽  
World War ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Redress Movement

The Japanese American Redress Movement refers to the various efforts of Japanese Americans from the 1940s to the 1980s to obtain restitution for their removal and confinement during World War II. This included judicial and legislative campaigns at local, state, and federal levels for recognition of government wrongdoing and compensation for losses, both material and immaterial. The push for redress originated in the late 1940s as the Cold War opened up opportunities for Japanese Americans to demand concessions from the government. During the 1960s and 1970s, Japanese Americans began to connect the struggle for redress with anti-racist and anti-imperialist movements of the time. Despite their growing political divisions, Japanese Americans came together to launch several successful campaigns that laid the groundwork for redress. During the early 1980s, the government increased its involvement in redress by forming a congressional commission to conduct an official review of the World War II incarceration. The commission’s recommendations of monetary payments and an official apology paved the way for the passage of the Civil Liberties Act of 1988 and other redress actions. Beyond its legislative and judicial victories, the redress movement also created a space for collective healing and generated new forms of activism that continue into the present.

scholarly journals Resistance to Anti-Discrimination Law in Central and Eastern Europe–a Post-Communist Legacy?

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 627-656 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Havelková
Keyword(s):  
Gender Discrimination ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Equal Treatment ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Negative Attitudes ◽  
Substantive Equality ◽  
Antidiscrimination Law ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Uk

AbstractPost-communist Central and Eastern European ('CEE') legislators and judges have been resistant to equality and antidiscrimination law. This Article argues that these negative attitudes can be explained in part by the specific trajectory that EAL has taken in CEE during and after state socialism, which has differed from Western Europe. In the UK/EU, the formal guarantees of equal treatment and prohibitions of discrimination of the 1960s and 1970s were complemented by a more substantive understanding of equality in the 1990s and 2000s. This development was reversed in CEE—substantive equality, of a certain kind, preceded rather than followed formal equality and antidiscrimination guarantees.The State Socialist concern with equality was real, and yet the project was incomplete in several significant ways. It saw only socio-economic, but not socio-cultural inequalities (relating to dignity, identity or diversity). It was transformative with regards to class, but not other discrimination grounds, especially not gender. While equality was a constitutionally enshrined principle, there was an absence of any corresponding enforceable antidiscrimination right. Finally, the emphasis on the “natural” differences between the sexes meant that sex/gender discrimination was not recognized as conflicting with women's constitutional equality guarantees.

scholarly journals ‘Heading up a blind alley’? Scottish psychiatric hospitals in the era of deinstitutionalization

2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicky Long
Keyword(s):  
Institutional Care ◽  
Psychiatric Hospitals ◽  
Blind Alley ◽  
Department Of Health ◽  
Institutional Services ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The City

This article examines Scottish provision of psychiatric care in the 1960s and 1970s. It demonstrates that institutional services did not rapidly disappear across the UK following the Ministry of Health’s decision to shut down psychiatric hospitals in 1961, and highlights Scotland’s distinctive trajectory. Furthermore, it contends that psychiatric hospitals developed new approaches to assist patients in this era, thereby contributing towards the transformation of post-war psychiatric practice. Connecting a discussion of policy with an analysis of provision, it examines the Department of Health for Scotland’s cautious response to the Ministry’s embrace of deinstitutionalization, before analysing Glasgow’s psychiatric provision in the 1970s. At this point the city boasted virtually no community-based services, and relied heavily on its under-resourced and overburdened hospitals. Closer analysis dispels any impression of stagnation, revealing how ideologies of deinstitutionalization transformed institutional care.

The Politics of Growth in South Korea

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan Haggard ◽  
Myung-Koo Kang
Keyword(s):  
Developmental State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
Korean Economy ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Polarization ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Welfare State

This article examines the political origins of South Korea’s rapid economic development in the 1960s and 1970s, with emphasis on the enduring effects of the developmental state era. It begins by considering developments since 1980, including the influence of democratization, the causes and consequences of the financial crisis of 1997–1998, and the market-oriented reforms pursued by the government in the wake of the crisis. It then discusses the legacy of the developmental state era in the coverage of the welfare state, along with the liberalization of the Korean economy beginning in the 1980s. The article documents South Korea’s transition into a market economy, marked by reforms in the financial sector and corporate governance, as well as reforms in foreign direct investment and even labor markets. Finally, it appraises a number of challenges that the Korean political economy must deal with, including growing economic and social polarization, inequality, and the social policy agenda.

scholarly journals Government vs opposition voting in the Finnish parliament Eduskunta since World War II

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antti Pajala
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Random Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Insight Into

In a parliamentary system it is by definition justified to assume the government parties voting almost always in a unitary manner in plenary votes. In a multiparty system it is, however, hard to predict how the opposition groups vote. Few studies analysing government-opposition voting in the Finnish parliament Eduskunta were published during the 1960s and 1970s. This study provides similar analyses regarding the parliamentary years of 1991-2012. Combined the studies provide an insight into the government-opposition relations since World War II. The results show that before the 1990s the government-opposition division in plenary votes appeared rather clear and the political party groups’ positions followed the traditional left-right dimension. Since the 1990s, the government-opposition division has become greater. The governing coalition acts almost as a bloc while the opposition groups are divided into moderate and hard opposition. The opposition groups, however, appear in a more or less random order. Consequently, since the 1990s the left-right dimension has disappeared with respect to plenary voting.

scholarly journals THE WEALTH MOBILITY OF MEN AND WOMEN DURING THE 1960s AND 1970s

2006 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard H. Steckel ◽  
Jayanthi Krishnan
Keyword(s):  
Men And Women ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

El Narco Mexicano

2020 ◽  
pp. 270-294
Author(s):  
Russell Crandall
Keyword(s):  
War On Drugs ◽  
The United States ◽  
Ripple Effects ◽  
Border States ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Sierra Madre ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Cultural Shifts

This chapter elaborates on how Mexico's decades of living dangerously were in part fueled by the U.S. war on drugs. It talks about the cultural shifts that normalized drugs, such as cocaine and heroin, in the United States in the 1960s and 1970s that had ripple effects from the opium fields of the Sierra Madre to the government agencies of Mexico City. It also explains how the colossal demand for drugs across the border prompted Mexican entrepreneurs to get into the drug business, as it had throughout Latin America. The chapter examines the struggles for control of the drug trade that led to the concentration of power in the hands of a small number of gangs and cartels on the Pacific and Gulf coasts, in border states such as Chihuahua, and in sparsely populated and lightly policed Sinaloa. It details how Mexican gangs smuggled homegrown marijuana and heroin to their northern neighbors for decades leading up to the 1980s.

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