scholarly journals Regional entrepreneurial ecosystems: Technological transformation, digitalisation and the longer term—The automotive and ICT sectors in the UK and Bulgaria

Author(s):  
Chiara N Focacci ◽  
Vassil Kirov

We investigate how regional entrepreneurial ecosystems have adapted to the information revolution as a techno-economic paradigm since the 1960s. Particularly, we look at how the organisation of firms and labour has changed in the automotive and ICT sectors in, respectively, the UK and Bulgaria. Findings show that, in both countries, it was the degree of cooperation between the local enterprises, research institutions and the government that enabled successful innovation in the regional clusters of the West Midlands and Sofia. The resulting ecosystems allowed, on the one hand, the already mature automotive sector in the UK to survive and, on the other hand, the newly developed ICT sector to be installed successfully in Bulgaria.

2021 ◽  
pp. 002085232098340
Author(s):  
Paul Joyce

The UK government’s leaders initially believed that it was among the best-prepared governments for a pandemic. By June 2020, the outcome of the collision between the government’s initial confidence, on the one hand, and the aggressiveness and virulence of COVID-19, on the other, was evident. The UK had one of the worst COVID-19 mortality rates in the world. This article explores the UK government’s response to COVID-19 from a public administration and governance perspective. Using factual information and statistical data, it considers the government’s preparedness and strategic decisions, the delivery of the government response, and public confidence in the government. Points for practitioners Possible lessons for testing through application include: Use the precautionary principle to set planning assumptions in government strategies to create the possibility of government agility during a pandemic. Use central government’s leadership role to facilitate and enable local initiative and operational responses, as well as to take advantage of local resources and assets. Choose smart government responses that address tensions between the goal of saving lives and other government goals, and beware choices that are unsatisfactory compromises.


Author(s):  
Jim Phillips

The 1984-85 miners’ strike in defence of collieries, jobs and communities was an unsuccessful attempt to reverse the change in economic direction driven in the UK by Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative governments. The government was committed to removing workforce voice from the industry. Its struggle against the miners was a war against the working class more generally. Mining communities were grievously affected in economic terms by the strike and its aftermath, but in the longer run emerged with renewed solidarity. Gender relations, evolving from the 1960s as employment opportunities for women increased, changed in further progressive ways. This strengthened the longer-term cohesion of mining communities. The strike had a more general and lasting political impact in Scotland. The narrative of a distinct Scottish national commitment to social justice, attacked by a UK government without democratic mandate, drew decisive moral force from the anti-Thatcherite resistance of men and women in the coalfields. This renewed the campaign for a Scottish Parliament, which came to successful fruition in 1999.


1990 ◽  
Vol 131 ◽  
pp. 6-23

The probability has increased that the UK will become a full member of the EMS before the next general election. The issue is by no means settled, but full membership now seems the right assumption to make for the forecast. The precise timing is difficult to foresee: on the one hand the present economic situation in this country makes an immediate move difficult, on the other hand the Government might be loath to make the move in the run-up to the election. Fortunately the choice of the exact date is not very material to the forecast. We have assumed the fourth quarter of the year is the date of entry. A more important question concerns the terms on which the UK joins: whether sterling joins at the market exchange rate of the day and the width of the band within which it can fluctuate.


2007 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
CALUM PATON

Abstract:As England (unlike the rest of the UK) retreads the market route in health policy, it is worth asking two questions. Firstly, is the government right that the ‘new market’ (as it refuses to call it, except in private seminars) is fundamentally different from the 1990s’ internal market which New Labour allegedly abolished in 1997? Secondly, given that the new market is clearly not characterized by the invisible hand, should we characterize it as steered ‘economically’ by a visible (facilitating) hand, on the one hand, or managed ‘politically’ by a fist which would like to remain invisible in order to maintain its power? This article goes on to examine choice in the new NHS with reference to Hirschman (1970), arguing that genuflections to the latter by pro-choice advocates such as Le Grand (2003) are just that – genuflections. Hirschman is used as a taxi by which to reach a desired destination rather than a stimulus to critical reflection, Hirschman-style, upon how ‘exit’, ‘voice’, and particular combinations of ‘exit’ and ‘voice’ may produce perverse outcomes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 506-516
Author(s):  
Oleg V. Okhoshin

The article discusses political course of the conservative governments of the UK regarding migration legislation reforms in the context of such challenges of globalization as the European migration crisis of 2015 and Brexit. The analysis of evolution of the conceptual foundations of British migration policy allows us to conclude that the conservatives, since they came to power in 2010, continue to follow the tradition of tightening the rules for entry and residence of foreign citizens, which emerged under the government of G. Macmillan in the 1960s. The key difference in the 21st century is the change in the vector of the restrictive measures used by the conservatives against uncontrolled migration from the EU and third world countries, with particular focus on strengthening administrative supervision of foreigners arriving in the UK for employment or reunification with relatives. The British approach to migration control remained stricter than in many EU countries and was especially tightened due to Brexit, because the government was afraid of a massive influx of low-skilled migrants who would overwhelm the labor market and leave British citizens jobless. At the same time, it was necessary to remove the high burden on the state budget and social services that could not cope with the increase in the level of net migration. There was a sharp transition from the ideology of multiculturalism to the practical application of the concept of hostile environment proposed by T. May, which forced immigrants to leave the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 38-46
Author(s):  
G Shivagami ◽  
T Rajendra Prasad

Foreign investment plays a noteworthy role in all walks of development. Foreign Direct Investment bridges the gap between saving and investment. In the process of economic development, foreign capital helps to cover the domestic saving constraint and provide access to the superior technology that promotes efficiency and productivity of the existing production capacity and generate new production opportunity. The perceptible growth of India’s GDP, particularly in the past few decades has lifted millions of people from sever poverty on the one hand and made the country a conducive ground for foreign direct investment on the other hand. A recent UNCTAD survey projected India as the second most important FDI destination after China for transnational corporations during 2010-2015. Services, telecommunication, construction activities, computer software & hardware and automobile are major sectors, which attracted higher inflows of FDI in India. Few nations such as Singapore, Mauritius, the US, and the UK were among the leading suppliers of FDI in India. This paper intends to examine the degree of global countries’ participation, the sector-wise inflow of foreign capital and the recent initiatives of the government policy towards foreign direct investment.


2015 ◽  
Vol 207 (3) ◽  
pp. 277-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Derek K. Tracy ◽  
Dan W. Joyce ◽  
Sukhwinder S. Shergill

Palcohol. What is it? It's a powdered alcohol that has recently been approved for sale in the USA.On the one hand, it is just adding choice, offering a new, crystalline form of one of the world's most commonly used and enjoyed chemicals (although recent news stories1 of some Australians brewing moonshine from Vegemite are surely pushing choice beyond the pale). However, there are some specific challenges with palcohol, which are well articulated in an editorial in JAMA by Naimi & Mosher.2 The powder is sold at 50% alcohol by weight, but the strength by volume will depend on how it is diluted. It can be more easily concealed than liquid alcohol, and it could be added – surreptitiously – to another alcoholic beverage. The potential for misuse, including by children, is self-evident; indeed, a video of an individual eating palcohol has already been uploaded, along with discussions on inhaling it, though such acts appear unlikely to produce intoxication. What is its current status in the UK? Answering a parliamentary question in the House of Lords earlier this year Lord Bates noted3 that ‘The Government is not aware of powdered alcohol being marketed or made available to buy in England and Wales'. However, a very quick and simple check on a well-known internet search engine gave a web-link to buy palcohol online.


Author(s):  
Jim Phillips

The 1984-85 miners’ strike in defence of collieries, jobs and communities was an unsuccessful attempt to reverse the change in economic direction driven in the UK by Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative governments. The government was committed to removing workforce voice from the industry. Its struggle against the miners was a war against the working class more generally. Mining communities were grievously affected in economic terms by the strike and its aftermath, but in the longer run emerged with renewed solidarity. Gender relations, evolving from the 1960s as employment opportunities for women increased, changed in further progressive ways. This strengthened the longer-term cohesion of mining communities. The strike had a more general and lasting political impact in Scotland. The narrative of a distinct Scottish national commitment to social justice, attacked by a UK government without democratic mandate, drew decisive moral force from the anti-Thatcherite resistance of men and women in the coalfields. This renewed the campaign for a Scottish Parliament, which came to successful fruition in 1999.


2009 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 80-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Rhodes

Following the Civil Rights legislation enacted in the 1960s in the United States, the notion of ‘colourblind’ racism has emerged within sociological literature. It has been used as a theoretical tool to explain the continuing presence of racism and racialised inequalities within a society where its significance in determining social location is increasingly disavowed. The use of the term has been restricted to those describing the politics of racism in America. However, this paper will consider the applicability of ‘colourblind racism’ to the UK context. The 2001 riots marked an important watershed in ‘race relations’ in Britain. They have been widely cited as marking the point at which New Labour retreated from the celebration of diversity in pursuit of a more monocultural, more ‘cohesive’ society. Through an analysis of the governmental response to the events of summer 2001 it will be suggested that notions of ‘colourblind’ racism can offer interesting insights into the development of the politics of ‘race’ in Britain. Drawing on Bonilla-Silva's (2006) elucidation of the key features of this dominant form of racism in the US, the extent to which these same factors guided New Labour's response will be considered. It will be argued that while it is important to recognize the different patterns of racial formation in the US and the UK, the government reaction to the 2001 riots demonstrates a broad adherence to the key tenets of colourblind racism. This is evident in Labour's failure to effectively engage with racism or the persistence of racial inequality.


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip L. Martin

Agriculture has one of the highest shares of foreign-born and unauthorized workers among US industries; over three-fourths of hired farm workers were born abroad, usually in Mexico, and over half of all farm workers are unauthorized. Farm employers are among the few to openly acknowledge their dependence on migrant and unauthorized workers, and they oppose efforts to reduce unauthorized migration unless the government legalizes currently illegal farm workers or provides easy access to legal guest workers. The effects of migrants on agricultural competitiveness are mixed. On the one hand, wages held down by migrants keep labour-intensive commodities competitive in the short run, but the fact that most labour-intensive commodities are shipped long distances means that long-run US competitiveness may be eroded as US farmers have fewer incentives to develop labour-saving and productivity-improving methods of farming and production in lower-wage countries expands.


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