scholarly journals The use of the political categories of Brexiter and Remainer in online comments about the EU referendum

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanne Meredith ◽  
Emma Richardson
Author(s):  
Richard Hayton

This chapter argues that since returning to power at Westminster in 2010, Conservative statecraft has broadly followed Jim Bulpitt’s ‘territorial code’ schema. However, it also suggests this has come under increasing strain, as the political and constitutional consequences of the independence referendum in Scotland and the EU referendum vote have unfolded. The chapter’s primary focus is on the Conservative Party as a state-wide actor between 2010-19. In terms of statecraft and territorial politics, it concentrates on devolution and the centre’s dealings with Scotland and specifically the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party when it was led by Ruth Davidson between 2011 and 2019.


2006 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-280 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL BAUN ◽  
JAKUB DURR ◽  
DAN MAREK ◽  
PAVEL SARADIN

Subject The United Kingdom's new National Security Strategy (NSS). Significance The new National Security Strategy (NSS), published in late November alongside the quinquennial Strategic Defence and Security Review (SDSR) and comprehensive spending review, reaffirms previous UK government analyses of the international security environment. However, the government's approach is now more confident and proactive, backed by significant new commitments and expenditure. The NSS places cyber and intelligence capabilities centre stage, including a readiness to use offensive cyber capabilities. Impacts The NSS has no analysis of possible 'Brexit' implications; release of any such official analysis could be an issue before the EU referendum. Unlike the 2010 version, the new NSS implicitly identifies Russia as a state threat, potentially shaping UK behaviour in NATO and the EU. Despite a new overseas aid strategy, the relatively large scale of UK aid will remain controversial among some on the political right.


Psihologija ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-212
Author(s):  
Vladimir Mihic

This paper deals with political attitudes of voters in the Vojvodina region and some correlates of these attitudes. Sample was 302 people, all voters of either six of the parties currently in the Serbian parliament (DSS, SRS, SPS, G17+, DS or SPO), or three of the other major parties in Vojvodina (LSV, PSS or SVM). Instruments used were: political attitude scale, social dominance orientation scale (SDO), and a questionnaire dealing with several important issues, such as support for the integration of Serbia into European Union. Factor analysis extracted six factors at the political attitudes scale-antimilitarism, support for the better minority status in the society, support for the different social issues, openness to the world, liberalism and conservativism. All differences concerning the voters? preferences were statistically significant (p < .01). Also, differences at the SDO scale also proved to be significant, as well as correlations between SDO scale and all of the political attitudes factors (correlation varied from .17 to .39). All of these correlations were negative, except for the SDO-conservativism scale. Another difference has been found at the perceived importance of different group identification. Groups were- person's ethnic group, Vojvodina, Serbia and Europe. Most important identification was with the Europe and the least one with the Serbia. Finally, more than 77% of the people in the sample said that they would vote ?yes? at the Serbia joining the EU referendum.


Politeja ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 14 (1(46)) ◽  
pp. 23-44
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Zuba

Inter‑party and intra‑party rivalry in the 2016 EU referendum campaign in the United Kingdom The objective of this paper is an analysis of the course of the 2016 EU referendum campaign from the perspective of the political battle between the parties and between intra‑party factions. Besides the main goals of the UK’s leaving the EU or remaining within it, the stakes of the battle included the strengthening of one’s own political camp, the weakening of one’s opponents, the gaining of power within a party or, eventually, the gaining of power in the country. The article is divided into two major parts devoted to the analysis of inter‑party rivalry and intra‑party rivalry respectively. The referendum (both its campaign and results) has demolished the existing political make‑up determined by the results of the latest parliamentary elections (2015). The analysis is based on the following two theoretical categories: an opportunity structure and a political strategy. In accordance with these categories, an assumption has been adopted that the referendum opened a new opportunity structure on the British political scene, encouraging the parties, their factions and individual politicians to use the elections as a means of pursuing their own political agendas and goals not necessarily related directly to the EU referendum.


2017 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 212-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Osmond

This paper examines the electoral and ideological contest that has taken place between Welsh Labour and Plaid Cymru in the five National Assembly elections that have been held between 1999 and 2016. Both parties have found success when they have managed to combine effective leadership with a coherent programme and a strong sense of Welsh identity. However, the Welsh vote to leave the EU in the June 2016 referendum has dealt both parties a poor hand in speaking up for Welsh interests. Can they find a common cause in working together and also with Scotland to take Wales forward in a progressive constitutional direction?


Oikos ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (29) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Olga María Cerqueira Torres

RESUMENEn el presente artículo el análisis se ha centrado en determinar cuáles de las funciones del interregionalismo, sistematizadas en los trabajos de Jürgen Rüland, han sido desarrolladas en la relación Unión Europea-Comunidad Andina de Naciones, ya que ello ha permitido evidenciar si el estado del proceso de integración de la CAN ha condicionado la racionalidad política del comportamiento de la Unión Europea hacia la región andina (civil power o soft imperialism); esto posibilitará establecer la viabilidad de la firma del Acuerdo de Asociación Unión Europea-Comunidad Andina de Naciones.Palabras clave: Unión Europea, Comunidad Andina, interregionalismo, funciones, acuerdo de asociación. Interregionalism functions in the EU-ANDEAN community relationsABSTRACTIn the present article analysis has focused on which functions of interregionalism, systematized by Jürgen Rüland, have been developed in the European Union-Andean Community birregional relation, that allowed demonstrate if the state of the integration process in the Andean Community has conditioned the political rationality of the European Union towards the Andean region (civil power or soft imperialism); with all these elements will be possible to establish the viability of the Association Agreement signature between the European Union and the Andean Community.Keywords: European Union, Andean Community, interregionalism, functions, association agreement.


2002 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 73-81
Author(s):  
Karen Donfried

Wolf-Dieter Eberwein and Karl Kaiser, Germany’s New Foreign Policy: Decision-Making in an Independent World (Hampshire: Palgrave, 2001)Adrian Hyde-Price, Germany & European Order: Enlarging NATO and the EU (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000)Matthias Kaelberer, Money and Power in Europe: The Political Economy of European Monetary Cooperation (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001)


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