scholarly journals Voting preferences and political attitudes in Vojvodina

Psihologija ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-212
Author(s):  
Vladimir Mihic
Keyword(s):  
Social Issues ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Group Identification ◽  
Social Dominance Orientation ◽  
Attitude Scale ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Orientation Scale ◽  
Eu Referendum ◽  
The Eu

This paper deals with political attitudes of voters in the Vojvodina region and some correlates of these attitudes. Sample was 302 people, all voters of either six of the parties currently in the Serbian parliament (DSS, SRS, SPS, G17+, DS or SPO), or three of the other major parties in Vojvodina (LSV, PSS or SVM). Instruments used were: political attitude scale, social dominance orientation scale (SDO), and a questionnaire dealing with several important issues, such as support for the integration of Serbia into European Union. Factor analysis extracted six factors at the political attitudes scale-antimilitarism, support for the better minority status in the society, support for the different social issues, openness to the world, liberalism and conservativism. All differences concerning the voters? preferences were statistically significant (p < .01). Also, differences at the SDO scale also proved to be significant, as well as correlations between SDO scale and all of the political attitudes factors (correlation varied from .17 to .39). All of these correlations were negative, except for the SDO-conservativism scale. Another difference has been found at the perceived importance of different group identification. Groups were- person's ethnic group, Vojvodina, Serbia and Europe. Most important identification was with the Europe and the least one with the Serbia. Finally, more than 77% of the people in the sample said that they would vote ?yes? at the Serbia joining the EU referendum.

The Conservative ‘Territorial Code’ under Strain

2020 ◽  
pp. 126-138
Author(s):  
Richard Hayton
Keyword(s):  
Conservative Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Territorial Politics ◽  
Eu Referendum ◽  
Primary Focus ◽  
The Eu

This chapter argues that since returning to power at Westminster in 2010, Conservative statecraft has broadly followed Jim Bulpitt’s ‘territorial code’ schema. However, it also suggests this has come under increasing strain, as the political and constitutional consequences of the independence referendum in Scotland and the EU referendum vote have unfolded. The chapter’s primary focus is on the Conservative Party as a state-wide actor between 2010-19. In terms of statecraft and territorial politics, it concentrates on devolution and the centre’s dealings with Scotland and specifically the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party when it was led by Ruth Davidson between 2011 and 2019.

Regional-Cosmopolitan Constituent Power

2020 ◽  
pp. 69-86
Author(s):  
Markus Patberg
Keyword(s):  
Member State ◽  
First Principles ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constituent Power ◽  
The Public ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
The People ◽  
We The People ◽  
The Eu

This chapter deals with the question of whether the public narrative of ‘We, the people of Europe’, which claims constituent power for a cross-border demos composed of EU citizens, can be justified in terms of a systematic model. To that end, it draws on the political theory of regional cosmopolitanism, which holds that even though the EU is not a state, it has its own political community. The literature on regional cosmopolitanism offers two possible strategies of defending the idea of an EU-wide constituent power: a first-principles approach and a reconstructive approach. The chapter argues that only the latter proves viable, and then goes on to examine the merits of the model that it gives rise to. While regional-cosmopolitan constituent power plausibly responds to the fact that the EU has created a new group of addressees and authors of the law, it neglects the continuing importance of the member state peoples and fails to explain how an EU-wide constituent power could be reconciled with the compound and dependent nature of the EU polity.

The Europeanization of Czech Politics: The Political Parties and the EU Referendum

2006 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-280 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL BAUN ◽  
JAKUB DURR ◽  
DAN MAREK ◽  
PAVEL SARADIN
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Eu Referendum ◽  
The Eu

scholarly journals The EU and constitutional change: a research proposal

2010 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-338 ◽  
Author(s):  
WTE ◽  
TWB
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
Case Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Support Mechanism ◽  
The People ◽  
The One ◽  
Actual Relationship ◽  
The Eu

The first punctual question arising is how, in its (single) constitutional being, a body such as the Union combines its constituent roots in the original founding authorities (the states) with those, autonomous, in its own institutions. These are the ECJ for interpretation; the political institutions for practice and convention. In other words, what is the actual relationship, under the urge of change, between the states as treaty masters and the European Council, the Council, the Parliament and the Court? Secondly, there is the question as to how these shared constituent roots reflect not on constitutional change but on the day-to-day legislative and executive functioning of the Union's body politic. The coming constitutional settlement on the euro's financial support mechanism will not only consist of a new treaty. It will also take the form of secondary legislation and case-law. A third, most fundamental, question is how this ever-unfinished constitutional situation, imperfect by definition, will ultimately allow the development of a sound relationship between the authorities and the people, a relationship which is at the heart of any constitutional settlement. The last question (for now) sends us back to the one put in a previous editorial (in issue 1 of this year). It is: how to account for this incomplete and urged situation in a single and coherent constitutional reading?

The Referendum in the UK’s Constitution: From Parliamentary to Popular Sovereignty?

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart G White
Keyword(s):  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Future Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Constitutional Convention ◽  
The People ◽  
Parliamentary Sovereignty ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

The 2016 referendum on the UK’s membership of the EU has led to much questioning of the place of the referendum in the UK’s constitution with a particular emphasis on the status of Parliamentary and popular sovereignty. Some commentary suggests that the UK has shifted from a constitution of Parliamentary sovereignty to one of the popular sovereignty. Drawing on A.V. Dicey’s discussion of the UK constitution in his Introduction to the Law of the Constitution, this article sets out the case that the referendum is the site of a change in the UK’s constitution. However, according to this case, the change is not accurately described as a shift from Parliamentary to popular sovereignty. It is better understood in terms of the emergence of a new constitutional convention which has altered the manner by which Parliament, as the legal sovereign, is kept subordinate to the ‘people’ as the political sovereign. The article offers some preliminary empirical assessment of this case for constitutional change and indicates areas for future research. These include considering the possible influence of democratic constitutionalist thinking in the UK’s use of referendums and the desirability and implications of a full transition to democratic constitutionalism.

scholarly journals Lithuanian public opinion and the EU membership

2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 295-312
Author(s):  
Elena Dragomir
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Context ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Public ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
The People ◽  
The Eu

During the early 1990s, following the restoration of independence, Lithuania reoriented in terms of foreign policy towards West. One of the state’s main foreign policy goals became the accession to the EU and NATO. Acknowledging that the ‘opinion of the people’ is a crucial factor in today’s democracy as it is important and necessary for politicians to know and take into consideration the ‘public opinion’, that is the opinion of the people they represent, this paper brings into attention the public support for the political pro-West project. The paper is structured in two main parts. The first one presents in short the politicians’ discourse regarding Lithuania’s accession to the EU and its general ‘returning to Europe’, in the general context of the state’s new foreign policy, while the second part presents the results of different public opinion surveys regarding the same issue. Comparing these two sides, in the end, the paper provides the answer that the Lithuanian people backed the political elites in their European projects. Although, the paper does not represent a breakthrough for the scientific community, its findings could be of interest for those less familiarized with the Lithuanian post-Cold War history, and especially for the Romanian public to whom this journal mainly addresses.

scholarly journals Pandemics in Cyberspace – Empire in Search of a Sovereign?

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-123
Author(s):  
Tomáš Gábriš ◽  
Ondrej Hamuľák
Keyword(s):  
Social Issues ◽  
National Level ◽  
Comparative Law ◽  
The State ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The People ◽  
Post Modernism ◽  
Legal Sanctions ◽  
The Eu

Abstract Traditionally, the idea of a sovereign is being connected either with an absolutist ruler (later replaced by “the people”) at the national level, or the nation-state at the international level – at least in the conditions of the Westphalian system created in 1648. Today, on the contrary, we are witnessing a “post-” situation in many respects – post-modernism, post-positivism, but also post-statism – basically being a sort of return to the pre-Westphalian system (see Ondrej Hamuľák, “Lessons from the ‘Constitutional Mythology’ or How to Reconcile the Concept of State Sovereignty with European Integration,” DANUBE: Law, Economics and Social Issues Review Vol. 6, No. 2 (2015); or Danuta Kabat-Rudnicka, “Autonomy or Sovereignty: the Case of the European Union,” International and Comparative Law Review Vol. 20, No. 2 (2020)). However, paternalistic views, prevailing especially in times of crisis and uncertainty, desperately search for a sovereign to lead us from the crises. With regard to cyberattacks and insecurity in the cyberspace this means an effort to subordinate cyberspace to state sovereignty. Still, given the limitations of traditional state-based monopolies of power and legislation, the state as an “analogue sovereign” shrinks in the digital cyberspace rather to a co-sovereign, co-ordinator, or in feudal terms a “senior” vis-à-vis their vassals. The actual ensuring of the tasks of state as a “digital sovereign” is namely often being entrusted to non-state (essentially private-owned) entities, under the threat of legal sanctions. The current situation of constructing “digital sovereignty” of traditional states or of the EU is thus marked by the necessity of cooperation between the state power and those non-state entities which are falling under its analogue jurisdiction.

New UK security strategy has cyber focus

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The Political ◽  
Security Strategy ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Security Environment ◽  
National Security Strategy ◽  
Eu Referendum ◽  
Political Right ◽  
The Eu

Subject The United Kingdom's new National Security Strategy (NSS). Significance The new National Security Strategy (NSS), published in late November alongside the quinquennial Strategic Defence and Security Review (SDSR) and comprehensive spending review, reaffirms previous UK government analyses of the international security environment. However, the government's approach is now more confident and proactive, backed by significant new commitments and expenditure. The NSS places cyber and intelligence capabilities centre stage, including a readiness to use offensive cyber capabilities. Impacts The NSS has no analysis of possible 'Brexit' implications; release of any such official analysis could be an issue before the EU referendum. Unlike the 2010 version, the new NSS implicitly identifies Russia as a state threat, potentially shaping UK behaviour in NATO and the EU. Despite a new overseas aid strategy, the relatively large scale of UK aid will remain controversial among some on the political right.

Brexit – the UK’s exit from the European Union1

2019 ◽  
pp. 63-82
Author(s):  
Eva A. Duda-Mikulin
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Migrant Workers ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Political Complexity ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
Run Up ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

The fourth chapter focuses on Brexit – the UK’s exit from the EU with key point being around disrupted livelihoods of EU migrant workers. First, the context of neopopulism is brought to the fore. Here, I explore the criminalisation of migrants and refer to the writings of Zygmunt Bauman (2016). Second, a brief history of the European Economic Community and the EU is provided. Third, the political complexity behind the decision to hold the referendum is explored. The wider context and political climate worldwide is analysed with particular focus on the rise of distrust, disillusion and identity politics. The context of the new populism as the prevalent ideology is put against the political situation in the UK with David Cameron starting talks on the need for the people to have their say in the run up to General Election 2015. The results of the referendum are analysed and critically discussed taking into account voters and their demographic characteristics correlated with the socio-economic situation in the country. The chapter culminates in a series of case studies with the aim to illustrate pre- and post-Brexit-vote reality for those who exercised their Treaty rights and came to work in the UK.

scholarly journals The Qeleshe and the Drone. Models of Political Expression at the Albania National Football Team’s Games in Belgrade

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Kovačević
Keyword(s):  
Political Attitudes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Political Expression ◽  
National Team ◽  
Football Team ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Masses

In the space of 47 years the Albania national football team played two games at the JNA stadium in Belgrade. At both games, events with a clear political content took place. At the 1967 game, a group of about 5,000 fans supported the Albania national team, some of whom wore qeleshes as a possible marker of Albanian ethnicity. The 2014 game, which was also a European Championship qualifier, was marked by the appearance of a drone carrying the Greater Albania flag, which descended towards the pitch. As players tried to get hold of the flag, a scuffle broke out and supporters invaded the pitch, with the result that the match was suspended. In this paper, both events are interpreted within the context of other political events in the region immediately preceding and following the matches. The events at the 1967 game are compared to the demonstrations in Pristina a year later. The comparison highlights differences in the political attitudes of the masses and the elites. While the masses had clear aspirations towards the unification of all Albanians, regardless of the situation in Albania at the time and Enver Hoxha’s Stalinist regime, the elite perceived the danger of these ideas and channeled the strategy toward solutions that appeared feasible, namely, the establishment of a republic within Yugoslavia. Again, at the game 47 years later, the drone with the message of Greater Albania was not the expression of the political will of the elite, who were aware that Albania’s and Kosovo’s current political positions do not allow for the abolishing of borders. In both cases, the political elites did not explicitly reject the idea of unification, as it would be politically inopportune to reject an idea that is prevalent in the cultural intimacy of the broad masses of the people, but it was sidelined and modified into unity within the broader context of integrations and breaking down of barriers in the region and in Europe.

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