The ‘South’ as a Moving Target: Europe’s Debt to the Former Colonies

2020 ◽  
pp. 163-185
Author(s):  
Peter Wagner
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Formal Concept ◽  
Moving Target ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The South ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
British Commonwealth ◽  
The Uk

Ireland is not normally conceived as being located south of the neighbouring Great Britain, nor of Europe, but this chapter suggests that it could be. Towards that end, the dispute over the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union is briefly discussed in light of the difficulties of separating political entities in our time of high global interconnectedness. Subsequently, the UK-EU dispute is compared to the separation of Algeria from France and the exit of South Africa from the British Commonwealth, opening the path towards pluralizing the notion of the “South”. Such pluralization allows the investigation of historically formed asymmetric relations between societies beyond the formal concept of colonialism. Against this background, the transformation of the relation between EU countries and their former colonies from the 1970s onwards is analyzed in terms of attempts to re-regulate the relation between Europe and its South after decolonization. These attempts aim at drawing clear lines of separation, but they keep failing because the South reveals itself as a moving target, impossible to confine to a restricted space. Thus, in conclusion, current Northward migration and climate change are discussed in terms of global social and ecological injustice the significance of which Europe cannot deny.

scholarly journals A summary of recent constitutional reform in the United Kingdom

2005 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-102
Author(s):  
Lesley Dingle ◽  
Bradley Miller
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Legal Systems ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Court Of Appeal

The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland consists of four countries: England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. Legislative competence for the UK resides in the Westminster Parliament, but there are three legal systems (England and Wales, Northern Ireland, and Scotland) with separate courts and legal professions. These legal systems have a unified final court of appeal in the House of Lords. The Isle of Man, and the two Channel Islands (Guernsey and Jersey) are not part of the UK, but possessions of the crown. Although their citizens are subject to the British Nationality Act 1981, the islands have their own legal systems. They are represented by the UK government for the purposes of international relations, but are not formal members of the European Union.

scholarly journals Between intergovernmental relations and paradiplomacy: Wales and the Brexit of the regions

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 647-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jo Hunt ◽  
Rachel Minto
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Intergovernmental Relations ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Awareness Raising ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Regional Interests ◽  
Domestic Level

The United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union (EU) is an assertion of UK nation-state sovereignty. Notwithstanding this state-centrism, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland have distinct interests to protect as part of the Brexit negotiations. This article explores how the interests of one regional case, Wales, were accommodated in the pre-negotiation phase, at a domestic level—through intergovernmental structures—and an EU level through paradiplomacy. We explore the structures for sub-state influence, Wales’ engagement with these structures and what has informed its approach. We argue that Wales’ behaviour reflects its positioning as a ‘Good Unionist’ and a ‘Good European’. Despite the weakness of intra-UK structures, Wales has preferred to pursue policy influence at a UK (not an EU) level. In Brussels, regional interests inform the context for Brexit. Here, Wales has focused on awareness-raising, highlighting that the UK Government does not command the ‘monopoly on perspectives’ towards Brexit in the United Kingdom.

scholarly journals New chapter in EU-UK relations: Ambitious unprecedented partnership or the first trade and cooperation agreement setting barriers and removing freedoms

2021 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 540-563
Author(s):  
Jovan Vujičić
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Free Trade Agreement ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Cooperation Agreement ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Eu Membership

In this paper the author analyses the new relationship between the European Union and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Given the scope and complexity of the Trade and Cooperation Agreement, the intention was not to explain in detail all its aspects, but only the basic and most important provisions. First of all, those of the free trade agreement, but also in the areas where ties are being renewed, which would otherwise be interrupted by the withdrawal of the United Kingdom. Although it does not reflect the benefits of EU membership, the agreement certainly limits the negative consequences compared to the situation without it and provides much needed predictability and certainty, allowing Europe to leave Brexit behind and move on.

SOCIAL RIGHTS OF THE POLES IN THE UNITED KINGDOM AFTER BREXIT

2020 ◽  
Vol 556 (7) ◽  
pp. 12-17
Author(s):  
Paweł Kaleta
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Transition Period ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Social

Withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union (Brexit) has definitely been bringing various consequences in the field of social security. It is therefore worthwhile to analyse it from the point of view of the social rights of Poles residing in the United Kingdom (as well as, in a comparative and auxiliary manner, of the British residing in Poland), following the formal conclusion of the withdrawal. The article therefore synthetically presents this current, post-Brexit situation, taking into account the ongoing transition period as well as the perspective of negotiations on the possible agreement(s) on future EU-UK relations. Notably, the rights in question have been preserved in the transition period, but their status afterwards remains open.

Agreement on South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone

1996 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 63-63
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
South Pacific ◽  
The United States ◽  
The South ◽  
Free Zone ◽  
The United Kingdom

The governments of the French Republic, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and the United States of America will sign on Monday, March 25, 1996 the three additional protocols to the South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone Treaty, which is also known as the Treaty of Rarotonga.

scholarly journals The British-Irish Border in the Context of Brexit

2020 ◽  
pp. 229-242
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Balawajder
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
System Analysis ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
Border Crossing ◽  
Free Movement ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Uk

The subject of the paper is reflections on the consequences of Brexit for the functioning of the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland. The author explains what this border means when the United Kingdom is no longer a member of the European Union, and thus the border may be a barrier to the free movement of people, goods, capital and services. At the same time, it is stressed that the exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union will have a significant impact on the change of the function of this border, which from then on is no longer an internal border of the Union. The aim of the paper is therefore to analyse the consequences of this change, with a simultaneous indication of different models of the UK’s functioning with relation to the European Union and their impact on the British-Irish relations, especially with regard to the various dimensions of the border as a barrier. The article presents various scenarios of solutions that will determine their mutual relations as a result of negotiations between the European Union and Great Britain, especially with regard to access to the single European market, which in turn will be influenced by the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland in the scope of the free movement of people, goods, capital and services. The author used the system analysis method and the comparative method. The author puts forward the thesis that if the negotiations cause a fairly strong loosening of relations between the UK and the European Union, to mitigate the consequences of such a situation for the Irish-British relations, it will be necessary to find and develop bilateral solutions that will facilitate border crossing. The Smart Border 2.0 concept can constitute such a solution.

‘Positive direct rule’: economic policy

No Solution ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
S.C. Aveyard
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Public Sector ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Labour Government ◽  
The Public ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Positive Direct

This chapter looks at economic policy in Northern Ireland in the context of severe economic difficulties experienced by the UK as a whole. It shows how the Labour government sought to shield Northern Ireland from economic realities because of the conflict, increasing public expenditure and desperately seeking industrial investment. The level of desperation in this endeavour is illustrated through examples such as Harland & Wolff’s shipyards and the DeLorean Motor Company. The experience of the 1970s, and particularly under the Labour government, set the pattern for the following decades with a steadily increasing subvention from the rest of the United Kingdom and a growing dependence on the public sector, all at a time when the opposite trend took place in Great Britain.

THE IMPACT OF BREXIT ON BRITISH-EUROPEAN RELATIONS

Moldoscopie ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 34-42
Author(s):  
Svetlana Cebotari ◽  
◽  
Carolina Budurina-Goreacii ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
European Community ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Security ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Overseas Territories ◽  
The Impact

The exit of Great Britain from the European Union, “Brexit”, respectively “British exit”, has become one of the most important processes that trouble and concern the European world and not only. The impact of Brexit on British-European relations is considerable. Withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Community. were argued by a series of arguments that can be grouped according to three major considerations: economic, political and security. Analyzing Brexit, it can be seen that the separation of the United Kingdom from the European Union is a phenomenon that can only bring disadvantages to both parties, as well as European security. Regarding the security of the two entities, Brexit is considered as a risk, but also an opportunity for Great Britain, as well as for the states of the European Union. This article aims to highlight the main consequences of Brexit on British-European relations, including the British Overseas Territories.

scholarly journals Brexit and the union: Territorial voice, exit and re-entry strategies in Scotland and Northern Ireland after EU exit

2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212199054
Author(s):  
Nicola McEwen ◽  
Mary C Murphy
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Strategic Choices ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Entry Strategies ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Institutional Actors

This article examines the effects of Brexit on the internal boundaries and territorial future of the United Kingdom (UK). Divergent Brexit preferences, coupled with the process of negotiating and preparing for Brexit, have raised new questions about the ability of the UK to remain united. Focusing upon Scotland and Northern Ireland, where territorial challenges are most acute, the article draws upon and adapts Hirschman’s voice, exit and loyalty framework to examine the strategic choices and options faced by institutional actors in each case when determining constitutional and political options in response to Brexit. The article contends that, while credible exit threats were used to bolster voice in the Brexit negotiations, the Brexit vote and subsequent process have exposed the limitations of territorial voice, and unleashed new exit dynamics. We enhance the framework by exploring the concept of re-entry, exploring the contrasting paths these territories would face to re-enter the European Union (EU).

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