The Political and Aesthetic Power of the Everyday in Beckett's Happy Days

2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-66
Author(s):  
Julie Bates

Happy Days is contemporaneous with a number of seminal contributions to the concept of the everyday in postwar France. This essay suggests that the increasingly constrained verbal and physical routines performed by its protagonist Winnie constitute a portrait of the everyday, and goes on to trace the affinities between Beckett's portrait and several formulations of the concept, with particular emphasis on the pronounced gendering of the everyday in many of these theories. The essay suggests the aerial bombings of the Second World War and methods of torture during the Algerian War as potential influences for Beckett's play, and draws a comparison with Marlen Haushofer's 1963 novel The Wall, which reimagines the Romantic myth of The Last Man as The Last Woman. It is significant, however, that the cataclysmic event that precedes the events of Happy Days remains unnamed. This lack of specificity, I suggest, is constitutive of the menace of the play, and has ensured that the political as well as aesthetic power of Happy Days has not dated. Indeed, the everyday of its sentinel figure posted in a blighted landscape continues to articulate the fears of audiences, for whom the play may resonate today as a staging of twenty-first century anxiety about environmental crisis. The essay concludes that in Happy Days we encounter an isolated female protagonist who contrives from scant material resources and habitual bodily rhythms a shelter within a hostile environment, who generates, in other words, an everyday despite the shattering of the social and temporal framework that conventionally underpin its formation. Beckett's play in this way demonstrates the political as well as aesthetic power of the everyday in a time of crisis.

Author(s):  
Mila Krasteva ◽  

After the coup on the 19th of May 1934, the time of episodic propaganda actions gives way to the decade in which propaganda becomes a key element of the Bulgarian political elite’s activity. During the 1930s and 1940s the Social Renovation Department and the National Propaganda Department are the institutions that to the greatest extentform the political attitudes of the Bulgarian society. During this period, Shturets (Cricket) Newspaper becomes part of the everyday life of every Bulgarian and turns to be an opportunity for giving it a comic meaning. Until the beginning of the Second World War, the caricatures of RaykoAleksiev objectively reflect the national and foreign political events, but after 1939 they are used for achieving suggestions in favour of the Bulgarian rulers. Keywords: cartoon, newspaper „Cricket”, propaganda, Social Renovation Department, National Propaganda Department


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Maria Zabłocka

An Overview of the Work of Polish Scholarship on Roman Law in the First Decade of the Twenty-First Century Summary In the first decade of the 21st century Polish scholars of Roman Law accomplished a considerable amount of work, adopting an entirely new area of research. While publications on private law had constituted the predominant trend since the Second World War, especially in the first forty years of the period, articles on public law were an exception until recent times. In the last few years nearly twice as many monographs have been published on a broad range of issues in public law, such as the political system, administration, and criminal law, as on private law. The numer of articles on public law has also been much larger than on other branches of Roman law. The work of Polish Romanists has earned acknowledgement abroad, as evidenced by the invitations Polish researchers have been receiving to contribute to foreign occasional volumes, and by the digests of Polish books and articles which have appeared in the Italian scholarly journal «Iura. Rivista internazionale di diritto romano e antico».


2021 ◽  
pp. 002200942110683
Author(s):  
Rosario Forlenza

This article explores the emergence and consolidation of the Soviet myth, and the related myth of Stalin, within Italy's Communist culture, in the period between the upheavals of the Second World War and 1956. Countering the traditional top-down approaches, which have seen political myths as weapons in the political struggle and devices for deceiving ordinary people, it examines the Soviet myth as a narrative that encapsulated the meaning of the experiences of the Italian Communist Party rank and file, as well as its elite, in extraordinary times. Drawing on the social and cultural anthropology of Victor Turner, it examines the establishment and strength of the Soviet myth and argues that it emerged as a new marker of certainty for groups and individuals in response to the liminal conditions of political and existential uncertainty experienced during the Second World War.


Author(s):  
К. Рид

Образы Сталина и упоминания о нем, а также худшие стороны его правления использовались правыми силами в англоязычных средствах массовой информации, включая социальные сети, чтобы создать впечатление, что даже умеренные левые политики являются поклонниками или подражателями Сталина. Кроме того, таким образом они хотели дискредитировать концепцию социализма посредством создания ассоциаций с советским диктатором. В то же время авторы академических исследований о Сталине с 2000 года отошли от таких клише, как «психопат», «монстр» и т. д., которые заранее искажают подлинный анализ и восприятие, в пользу более глубокого с аналитической точки зрения и основанного на фактических данных рассказа о Сталине и его влиянии. Центральное место в нем занимает тенденция видеть в Сталине убежденного революционера, который считал, что исполняет волю Ленина, а не просто диктатора, одержимого только личной властью и карьерой. Эта тенденция помогает пролить свет на самые сложные аспекты анализа личности Сталина и его эпохи, в частности на сопоставление трагедии и ужаса ГУЛАГа и голода, который можно было предотвратить, с его социальными и политическими достижениями, включая победу во Второй мировой войне, решительный переход Советской России от традиционного общества к индустриальному и общую урбанизацию. Статья посвящена прогрессивному подходу к рассмотрению этих двух взаимосвязанных вопросов. The images of and references to Stalin and the worst features of his rule have been used by right-wing forces in the English-speaking media, including social media, to suggest that even moderately left-wing politicians are admirers or imitators of Stalin. They have also used it to discredit the concept of socialism by association with the Soviet dictator. At the same time, academic studies of Stalin since 2000 has moved away from cliches, such as 'psychopath', 'monster' and so on, which pre-empt real analysis and understanding, infavorof a more deeply analytical and evidence-based account of Stalin and his influence. Central to this is a tendency to see Stalin as a convinced revolutionary who believed he was carrying out the wishes of Lenin rather simply to see him as a dictator obsessed only with his personal power and career. This helps to throw light on one of the most complex aspects of analyzing Stalin and his era, notably the juxtaposition of the tragedy and horror of the gulag and avoidable famines with the social and political achievements, including victory in the second World War and the decisive transition of Soviet Russia from a rural agricultural society to an urban and industrial one. The article focuses on cutting-edge thinking on these two interrelated questions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 303-312
Author(s):  
Andrzej Leder

Summary In my paper, I analyze hate as one of the important factors that influence and structuralize the symbolic sphere. In the first step, I define the notion of “symbolic sphere”. Then, I analyze hate from the phenomenological and psychoanalytical points of view. My next step is a historical digression, concerning the place of hate in the social order. Next, I describe some important phenomena of the contemporary societies conditioned by the influence of hatred. Finally, I investigate which notions of the social theory are adequate to describe this kind of phenomena. Hate has been most frequently apprehended as a sudden eruption of bare violence. It was supposed to transform the symbolic sphere through sharp, directly aggressive, and often unexpected actions. Nevertheless, in societies wherein the symbolic legitimization of the political and social order was established as the consequence of the Second World War, a deep change in the attitude toward the bare and direct expression of violence took place. Acts of hate in the public sphere became morally delegitimized and symbolically repressed. We should ask then: if the bare violence and the hate determining this violence disappeared from the sphere of social praxis, although they still shape the social imaginary, how are they really founded? Thus, to answer these questions, I will have to ask not about the direct impact of hatred, but about its hidden influence.


Author(s):  
Mary Elise Sarotte

This chapter examines the Soviet restoration model and former German Chancellor Helmut Kohl's revivalist model. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) hoped to use its weight as a victor in the Second World War to restore the old quadripartite mechanism of four-power control exactly as it used to be in 1945, before subsequent layers of Cold War modifications created room for German contributions. This restoration model, which called for the reuse of the old Allied Control Commission to dominate all further proceedings in divided Germany, represented a realist vision of politics run by powerful states, each retaining their own sociopolitical order and pursuing their own interests. Meanwhile, Kohl's revivalist model represented the revival, or adaptive reuse, of a confederation of German states. This latter-day “confederationism” blurred the lines of state sovereignty; each of the two twenty-first-century Germanies would maintain its own political and social order, but the two would share a confederative, national roof.


Author(s):  
Igor Lyubchyk

The research issue peculiarities of wide Russian propaganda among the most Western ethnographic group – Lemkies is revealed in the article. The character and orientation of Russian and Soviet agitation through the social, religious and social movements aimed at supporting Russian identity in the region are traced. Tragic pages during the First World War were Thalrogian prisons for Lemkas, which actually swept Lemkivshchyna through Muscovophilian influences. Agitation for Russian Orthodoxy has provoked frequent cases of sharp conflicts between Lemkas. In general, attempts by moskvophile agitators to impose russian identity on the Orthodox rite were failed. Taking advantage of the complex socio-economic situation of Lemkos, Russian campaigners began to promote moving to the USSR. Another stage of Russian propaganda among Lemkos began with the onset of the Second World War. Throughout the territory of the Galician Lemkivshchyna, Soviet propaganda for resettlement to the USSR began rather quickly. During the dramatic events of the Second World War and the post-war period, despite the outbreaks of the liberation movement, among the Lemkoswere manifestations of political sympathies oriented toward the USSR. Keywords: borderlands, Lemkivshchyna, Lemky, Lemkivsky schism, Moskvophile, Orthodoxy, agitation, ethnopolitics


Author(s):  
Graham Butler

Not long after the establishment of supranational institutions in the aftermath of the Second World War, the early incarnations of the European Union (EU) began conducting diplomacy. Today, EU Delegations (EUDs) exist throughout the world, operating similar to full-scale diplomatic missions. The Treaty of Lisbon established the legal underpinnings for the European External Action Service (EEAS) as the diplomatic arm of the EU. Yet within the international legal framework, EUDs remain second-class to the missions of nation States. The EU thus has to use alternative legal means to form diplomatic missions. This chapter explores the legal framework of EU diplomatic relations, but also asks whether traditional missions to which the VCDR regime applies, can still be said to serve the needs of diplomacy in the twenty-first century, when States are no longer the ultimate holders of sovereignty, or the only actors in international relations.


Südosteuropa ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 274-281
Author(s):  
Dubravka Stojanović

AbstractThe author comments on the political and economic options in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic that started at the beginning of 2020. She revisits responses to the crises of the First World War, the Great Crash of 1929, and the Second World War, sorting them into ‘pessimistic’ and ‘optimistic’ responses, and outlining their respective consequences.


2012 ◽  
Vol 517 ◽  
pp. 13-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. Ohayon ◽  
Khosrow Ghavami

The results of many successfully realized Research and Development (R&D) concerned with non-conventional materials and technologies (NOCMAT) in developing countries including Brazil have not been used in large scale in practice. This is due to the lack of selection and evaluation criteria and concepts from planning and designing to implementation programs by governmental agencies and private organizations concerned with the newly developed sustainable materials and technologies. The problems of selecting and evaluating R&D innovation outputs and impacts for construction are complex and need scientific and systematic studies in order to avoid the social and environmental mistakes occurred in industrialized countries after the Second World War. This paper presents a logical framework for the implementation of pertinent indicators to be used as a tool in R&D of NOCMAT projects selection and evaluation concerned with materials, structural elements and technologies of bamboo and composites reinforced with vegetable fibers. Indicators, related to the efficiency, effectiveness, impact, relevance and sustainability of such projects are considered and discussed.


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