Alan Tritton, Scotland and the Indian Empire: Politics, scholarship and the military in making British India

2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-167
Author(s):  
John M. MacKenzie
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 70-80
Author(s):  
A.B. ARBEKOV ◽  

The article analyzes the events that led to the beginning of the Second Anglo-Afghan War (1878-1881). In particular, the military and political side of the Anglo-Russian conflict at the final stage of the Eastern crisis (1875-1878) is sub-jected to a more detailed study. The author examines in details a particular episode – the departure to Afghanistan in the summer of 1878 the diplomatic mission of Major-General N. G. Stoletov to conclude an alliance against England, which was accompanied with a military demon-stration of the Russian army in relation to British India. Based on the comparison of the domestic and foreign researcher’s points of view, as well as by involving various groups of historical sources, an attempt is made to give an objective assessment of these events and to identify their influence on the genesis of the second Anglo-Afghan war, which became a natural consequence of the Anglo-Russian rivalry in the East at the end of the XIX century.


2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (6) ◽  
pp. 1459-1505 ◽  
Author(s):  
STEPHEN LEGG

AbstractThis paper explores the regulation of prostitution in colonial India between the abolition of the Indian Contagious Diseases Act in 1888 and the passing of the first Suppression of Immoral Traffic Act in 1923. It challenges the commonly held assumption that prostitutes naturally segregated themselves in Indian cities, and shows that this was a policy advocated by the Government of India. The object was to prevent the military visiting these segregated areas, in the absence of effective Cantonment Regulations for registering, inspecting, and treating prostitutes. The central government stimulated provincial segregation through expressing its desires via demi-official memoranda and confidential correspondence, to which Rangoon and Bombay responded most willingly. The second half of the paper explores the conditions, in both India and Ceylon, that made these segregated areas into scandalous sites in the early twentieth century. It situates the brothel amongst changing beliefs that they: increased rather than decreased incidents of homosexuality; stimulated trafficking in women and children; and encouraged the spread of scandalous white prostitutes ‘up-country’, beyond their tolerated location in coastal cosmopolitan ports. Taken alongside demands that the state support social reform in the early twentieth century, segregation provided the tipping point for the shift towards suppression from 1917 onwards. It also illustrates the scalar shifts in which central-local relations, and relations between provinces, in government were being negotiated in advance of the dyarchy system formalized in 1919.


1998 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 197
Author(s):  
Lorenzo M. Crowell ◽  
T. A. Heathcote ◽  
Stephen Peter Rosen

1982 ◽  
Vol 38 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 302-316
Author(s):  
Veena Kukereja

It is interesting to note that, although the Pakistani and Indian political systems share many common features relating to history, military organization and an overall areal culture, the two systems have displayed contrasting patterns of civil-military relations. The armies of both the countries inherited the British Indian military traditions of non-involvement in politics, but in Pakistan the Army eroded this tradition by intervening decisively and frequently whereas in India, the principle of civilian supremacy remains intact. Their post-independence development, composition, and relationship with the civilian authority has been markedly different. This had a direct bearing upon the divergent roles of the armies of the two countries. Given the variety of hypotheses that have been suggested as explanations for the contrasting behaviour of the two successor armies of British India, this article would examine several variables and relationships in comparative perspective under two sets of theoretical explanatory variables that are too often kept separate. These are: 1 the internal features of the military establishment1 and 2 the external or environmental variables.2


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


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