The Role of Fulbright Program in Building Positive Perception and Ally Image of the U.S. Among Pakistani Scholars

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (Spring 2019) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Gulnaz Anjum ◽  
Mudassar Aziz ◽  
Emanuele Castano

This study was aimed at exploring the role of Fulbright program in building perception about U.S. and Americans among Pakistani Fulbright scholars. While a host of theory and research had been growing on contact theory (Allport, 1954; Pettigrew & Tropp, 2008), application of contact hypothesis to cultural exchange programs based on foreign policy intended to develop peace and affective ties between nations has been limited. Specifically, this research gap was filled by this study that focused on the impact of direct contact on perception and image of the U.S. in the context of the U.S. and Pakistan Fulbright program. Pakistani Fulbright scholars (81 men, 67 women; Mean age = 23 years; Range = 21-29 years), with low-contact and high-contact were compared with respect to their perceptions of a prototypical American and the United States as an international entity. Compared to participants with low-contact (n = 52), participants with high-contact (n = 96) had developed a higher positive perception of a prototypical American. Furthermore, compared to participants with low-contact, those with high-contact perceived the U.S. significantly more as an ally and less as an imperialist-enemy nation. Participation was controlled through selection for the Fulbright program and no previous visits to the U.S. Discussion has focused on possibilities for foreign policy and peace related implications of the Fulbright program.

2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 170-171

The bipartisan commission's 565-page report was issued after many months of investigating, reviewing documents, interviewing hundreds of individuals, and hearing testimony. Much of the material concerning the actual planning of the attacks comes from captured al-Qa‘‘ida operatives, and particularly from the man identified in the report as the ““principal architect of the 9/11 attacks,”” Khalid Shaykh Muhammad (KSM), a Kuwaiti national raised in Pakistan who earned a degree in mechanical engineering in the United States. The report notes (p. 147) that according ““to his own account, KSM's animus toward the United States stemmed not from his experiences there as a student, but rather from his violent disagreement with U.S. foreign policy favoring Israel.”” The following brief excerpts touch upon the importance attached to U.S. policy toward Israel in generating the attacks. The references are both in the narrative body of the report and in the more prescriptive chapter ““What to Do?? A Global Strategy,”” where the commission offers suggestions on how the United States can ““Prevent the Continued Growth of Islamist Terrorism””; the paragraph excerpted from this forty-page chapter is the only reference to the impact of U.S. policy with regard to Israel. The excerpts appear respectively on pp. 250, 362, and 376––77 of the report. The full report is available from the U.S. Government Printing Office online at www.gpoaccess.gov/911.


Author(s):  
Matthew K. Shannon

This chapter traces the ways in which the United States launched its most coordinated effort to promote Iranian development during the 1970s. The educational cooperation of the decade prioritized military training, particularly for members of the Imperial Iranian Navy; technical assistance, notably through the training of Iranian nuclear engineers; and cultural exchange programs that were administered by the U.S. and Iranian states as well as non-governmental organizations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-175
Author(s):  
Wildan Ilmanuarif Shafar ◽  
Dian Mutmainah

Since 2015 the United States has been a signatory of the historic nuclear agreement with Iran known formally as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), which was also agreed by other P5+1 countries. JCPOA is the achievement of the U.S. and other P5+1 countries' negotiations with Iran regarding the limitation of Iran's nuclear program. JCPOA is also known to be the vital instrument to reduce Iran's capabilities regarding its aggressive behavior and malign activities, creating destabilization in the Middle East. However, in 2018 the United States government decided to withdraw its participation from the JCPOA. As we know, this decision had an impact on Iran's behavior, which several times violated the contents of the JCPOA agreement even though they did not leave the agreement. We are also witnessing the impact of this decision increase the conflict between the US and Iran in recent years. This research aims to explain the rationale of the U.S. decision to withdraw from the JCPOA nuclear agreement with Iran in 2018. This research using the foreign policy decision-making framework model by Charles W. Kegley and Gregory A. Raymond. This concept focuses on explaining factors of foreign policy decision-making in three sources of analysis and the process of foreign policy-making based on rational choice.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (248) ◽  
Author(s):  

This technical note leverages on the 2015 FSAP which concluded that the United States (U.S.) had a high degree of compliance with the Basel Core Principles (BCPs). The FSAP reviewed the progress achieved in addressing the main weaknesses previously identified and the main supervisory and regulatory developments since then. The key focus are the steps taken by the U.S. authorities in recent years to recalibrate and further tailor the banking regulatory and supervisory framework and the role of stress tests in the supervision process. The FSAP team has not covered the impact of COVID-19 outbreak on banks supervision and has not discussed with authorities the related policy response. The FSAP recommendations are meant to be considered once the impact of the pandemic on the economy and the banking sector becomes clearer.


Author(s):  
Caroline Kennedy-Pipe

This chapter examines U.S. foreign policy after 9/11 with a view to looking at continuities as well as the disjunctions of Washington’s engagement with the world. It first considers the impact of 9/11 on the United States, particularly its foreign policy, before discussing the influence of neo-conservatism on the making of U.S. foreign policy during the presidency of George W. Bush. It then analyses debates about the nature of U.S. foreign policy over the last few decades and its ability to create antagonisms that can and have returned to haunt the United States both at home and abroad. It also explores how increasing belief in the utility of military power set the parameters of U.S. foreign policy after 9/11, along with the U.S. invasion of Iraq, and concludes with an assessment of Barak Obama’s approach with regards to terrorism and his foreign policy agenda more generally.


2005 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 278-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominic Kelly

AbstractThis article examines the impact on Japan's political economy and foreign policy of its lack of natural resources. Applying the concept of Japan as a ‘reactive’ state to linked case studies of rice, oil and atomic power it explores aspects of the relationship between culture, institutions and political processes in domestic politics and foreign policy. In so doing it argues that Japan's poor resource endowments have driven it to engage (re)actively – and often unwisely – in international affairs, an engagement both facilitated and constrained by its close alliance with the United States. This mediated engagement will continue into the foreseeable future.


2003 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stewart Patrick

Contemporary debates over the appropriate balance of unilateralism and multilateralism in U.S. foreign policy reflect disagreements not simply about the practical effectiveness of these alternative options but also about their legitimacy. Advocates of multilateral and unilateral action alike tend to bundle prudential calculations with normative claims, making assessments about costs and benefits difficult to disentangle from ethical arguments about fairness, justice, morality and obligation. Greater clarity may be possible by classifying U.S. foreign policy into six analytical categories, based on whether the aims pursued are nationalist, internationalist, or cosmopolitan and the strategies adopted to realize them are unilateral or multilateral. Each set of aims has different ethical justifications that generate and help to explain divergent attitudes and judgments about the role of multilateral cooperation in U.S. foreign policy. The article sheds new light on alleged U.S. unilateralism, showing that the U.S. decision to go it alone–or to act with others–can be motivated by the desire to advance the narrow interests of the United States, to advance the interests of all states, or to advance the interests of humanity at large. The article suggests that purely nationalist policies, whether pursued through unilateral or multilateral means, will become increasingly untenable and illegitimate as world politics becomes institutionalized and as humanity becomes integrated, albeit slowly, into a single cosmopolitan community.


Author(s):  
Beth A. Fischer

This chapter explores the relationship between American military power and foreign policy. It also considers important debates regarding containment, deterrence, preemption, and the limits of military power. The chapter begins with a discussion of the rise of American military power during the period 1945–91, focusing on the military implications of containment and deterrence as well as the role of deterrence in ending the arms race. It then examines the fundamental questions that the United States had to confront in the post-Cold War era regarding its role in the world and its military power; for example, whether nuclear weapons are still useful, and for what purpose the U.S. military should be deployed. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the U.S. response to terrorism, with particular emphasis on the U.S. involvement in the war in Afghanistan (2001) and the war in Iraq (2003).


2020 ◽  
pp. 113-120
Author(s):  
Mukhammadolim Mukhammadsidiqov ◽  
Abrar Turaev

This article analyzes the impact of neoconservative ideology on the formation of national security paradigms in the United States and reveals the impact of views and ideas put forward by U.S. neoconservatives on the formation of public administration, especially security goals in domestic and foreign policy. In particular, the role of Albert Walstetter, a well-known proponent of neoconservative views, in the formation of security concepts is discussed. The role of political philosopher Leo Strauss’s political-philosophical and military-strategic approaches in the development of neoconservative ideology and the conceptual basis of modern security problems are theoretically analyzed. It is emphasized that the assessment of the impact of neoconservative ideology on the formation of security policy in the development of political processes related to public administration in the United States depends on understanding the content of formed neoconservative security concepts. Based on the predominance of national interests based on national security approaches in the ideology of neoconservatism, the influence of neoconservatism on the interpretation of international relations as a highly conflicted, the anarchic environment is revealed in the formation of the neoconservative paradigm of security. In the following periods, the implementation of Albert Walstetter and Leo Strauss’s military-strategic ideas under the influence of neoconservatives in the US administration, in particular, the practice of proposing to continue the foreign policy course on the use of military force as a factor of national security.


Author(s):  
Rosemary Gillet-Karam ◽  
Robin L. Spaid

With its focus on opportunity and access, the mission of community colleges in the United States has allowed millions of otherwise non-included populations to receive two years of higher education. Thus, these graduates have contributed to the citizenry of the U.S. and to their own social and economic statuses. In this chapter, the authors focused on that mission as it applies to international community colleges, a growing phenomenon in many divergent countries. Instead of locking themselves into a role of offering a standard for international colleges in regards to their missions, the authors offered multicultural foci built on the cultural texts of those colleges. In addition, while it seemed obvious that the impact of the features of the American Community College mission had influence over the rise of international community colleges, their own definitions of services, issues, and needs must take precedence over simple emulation of practices.


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