scholarly journals Birth Rates and Border Crossings: Latin American Migration to the US, Canada, Spain, and the UK

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon Hanson ◽  
Craig McIntosh
Author(s):  
Héctor Fernández L’Hoeste ◽  
Juan Carlos Rodríguez

This chapter provides a balance for the volume, accounting for the implications of recent political shift in the US, much of which has been linked to social media. It emphasizes how the texts included in this collection also suggest the speed with which technology is playing a preeminent role in cultural, political, and social relations, be it north or south of the border. In the end, it seeks to strike a balance between the scholarly worlds in Portuguese and Spanish and academic spheres of the Anglo domain, clarifying the volume's intention not to pontificate, but rather to serve as a bridge between the Latin American digital humanities and the Anglo academe in the US and the UK, in a fashion as independent as possible to hegemonic proclivities.


Author(s):  
Cláudia Mônica dos Santos ◽  
Alexandra A. Leite T. Seabra Eiras ◽  
Antoniana Dias Defilippo ◽  
Maria Carmelita Yazbek

This article deals with the protest movements in Latin American, American and British social work from 1960 to 1980, highlighting the historical and theoretical characteristics of the debate of the radical social work movement and of the Latin American Movement for Reconceptualisation within the context of the Marxist legacy. Within the objective of this article is an analysis of the relationship between the European and American social work protest movements and the Latin American Movement for Reconceptualisation, examining, for the delineated period, the overlaps between the regions involved (the UK, the US and Latin America) in a process of accentuated economic interaction at the global level. In other words, the issue of interest to us in this study is whether there was an actual relationship between the European and American social work protest movements and the Latin American Movement for Reconceptualisation, and on what basis it could be described.


Popular Music ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo González

Thanks to the generous support of the Municipality of Bogota, the Academia Superior de Artes of Bogota and the Colombian Ministry of Culture, IASPM held its Third Latin American Conference under excellent technical and organisational conditions. Almost seventy papers and plenaries were presented and debated in the Luis Angel Arango Library in Bogota between 23 and 27 August 2000. Scholars took part from Colombia, Venezuela, Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Brazil, Mexico, Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, Cuba, Puerto Rico, El Salvador, Canada, the US, the UK, Switzerland and Spain.


Digital Humanities in Latin America performs a number of tasks: a re-definition of the nations’ symbolic territories, which implies their exploration as digital contexts, experiments, media products, or even as uneven battlefields; a re-examination of the role of transnational networks in the configuration of new identities and/or communities, as exemplified by the cases of the Andean, Latin, and Afro-Latin networks discussed in this book; and a highlighting of the importance of cases that complexify the interaction between national territories and transnational flows through the remixing of aesthetic and political codes. Cognizant of the risks implicit in hegemonic agency, its object is to serve as a vehicle of communication between the Latin American digital humanities and the English-speaking circles of this field in the US and the UK, while at the same time documenting the existence and viability of pertinent academic initiatives south of the border.


Author(s):  
Sally-Ann Treharne

Reagan and Thatcher forged a formidable alliance in a time of increasing Cold War tension and omnipresent fears of communist expansionism. Their close working, and indeed, personal, relationship was supported by a mutual respect and admiration, by shared fiscal and political ideologies and a strong anti-communist rhetoric. Despite the changing domestic and international realities of the UK and the US, both leaders were committed to a strengthening of bilateral relations between the two countries. Their relationship had an ease and level of familiarity that weathered their often diverging strategic interests, particularly in Latin America. Despite their often seemingly incompatible individual foreign policy objectives, the relationship continued to evolve and deepen. This strengthening in relations repaired the cleavages that emerged through challenges presented in the Latin American region during the 1980s....


Author(s):  
Sally-Ann Treharne

Anglo-American relations could not be termed as particularly ‘special’ during the 1970s. This was a decade of overall decline in the Special Relationship. The relationship ebbed and flowed and experienced moments of improved cooperation and development, but these were largely overshadowed by diverging political and economic interests, growing US isolationism and a decline in British influence in world affairs.1 It can come as no surprise that the Latin American region held little importance to wider Anglo-American relations at this time. In fact, the region was marginalised by both the US and the UK governments in the 1970s as various domestic issues came to the fore. There was one exception, and that was Chile; US–UK relations with Chile were predicated upon a desire to closely monitor the regime of General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte. This chapter will examine the tone of Anglo-American relations in the 1970s as a benchmark from which to appreciate the importance of the subsequent Reagan–Thatcher relationship. It will also briefly examine relations between Thatcher and Carter from 1979 to 1981 as a period of indifferent quality in bilateral relations.


Author(s):  
Sally-Ann Treharne

Reagan and Thatcher’s Special Relationship offers a unique insight into one of the most controversial political relationships in recent history. An insightful and original study, it provides a new regionally focused approach to the study of Anglo-American relations. The Falklands War, the US invasion of Grenada, the Anglo-Guatemalan dispute over Belize and the US involvement in Nicaragua are vividly reconstructed as Latin American crises that threatened to overwhelm a renewal in US-UK relations in the 1980s. Reagan and Thatcher’s efforts to normalise relations, both during and after the crises, reveal a mutual desire to strengthen Anglo-American ties and to safeguard individual foreign policy objectives whilst cultivating a close personal and political bond that was to last well beyond their terms in office. This ground-breaking reappraisal analyses pivotal moments in their shared history by drawing on the extensive analysis of recently declassified documents while elite interviews reveal candid recollections by key protagonists providing an alternative vantage point from which to assess the contentious ‘Special Relationship’. Sally-Ann Treharne offers a compelling look into the role personal diplomacy played in overcoming obstacles to Anglo-American relations emanating from the turbulent Latin American region in the final years of the Cold War.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guilherme Casarões

The institutional framework of Latin American integration saw a period of intense transformation in the 2000s, with the death of the ambitious project of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), spearheaded by the United States, and the birth of two new institutions, the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC). This article offers a historical reconstruction of regional integration structures in the 2000s, with emphasis on the fault lines between Brazil, Venezuela and the US, and how they have shaped the institutional order across the hemisphere. We argue that the shaping of UNASUR and CELAC, launched respectively in 2007 and 2010, is the outcome of three complex processes: (1) Brazil’s struggle to strengthen Mercosur by acting more decisively as a regional paymaster; (2) Washington’s selective engagement with some key regional players, notably Colombia, and (3) Venezuela’s construction of an alternative integration model through the Bolivarian Alliance (ALBA) and oil diplomacy. If UNASUR corresponded to Brazil’s strategy to neutralize the growing role of Caracas in South America and to break apart the emerging alliance between Venezuela, Argentina, and Bolivia, CELAC was at the same time a means to keep the US away from regional decisions, and to weaken the Caracas-Havana axis that sustained ALBA.


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