Conclusion

Author(s):  
Sally-Ann Treharne

Reagan and Thatcher forged a formidable alliance in a time of increasing Cold War tension and omnipresent fears of communist expansionism. Their close working, and indeed, personal, relationship was supported by a mutual respect and admiration, by shared fiscal and political ideologies and a strong anti-communist rhetoric. Despite the changing domestic and international realities of the UK and the US, both leaders were committed to a strengthening of bilateral relations between the two countries. Their relationship had an ease and level of familiarity that weathered their often diverging strategic interests, particularly in Latin America. Despite their often seemingly incompatible individual foreign policy objectives, the relationship continued to evolve and deepen. This strengthening in relations repaired the cleavages that emerged through challenges presented in the Latin American region during the 1980s....

Author(s):  
Sally-Ann Treharne

Anglo-American relations could not be termed as particularly ‘special’ during the 1970s. This was a decade of overall decline in the Special Relationship. The relationship ebbed and flowed and experienced moments of improved cooperation and development, but these were largely overshadowed by diverging political and economic interests, growing US isolationism and a decline in British influence in world affairs.1 It can come as no surprise that the Latin American region held little importance to wider Anglo-American relations at this time. In fact, the region was marginalised by both the US and the UK governments in the 1970s as various domestic issues came to the fore. There was one exception, and that was Chile; US–UK relations with Chile were predicated upon a desire to closely monitor the regime of General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte. This chapter will examine the tone of Anglo-American relations in the 1970s as a benchmark from which to appreciate the importance of the subsequent Reagan–Thatcher relationship. It will also briefly examine relations between Thatcher and Carter from 1979 to 1981 as a period of indifferent quality in bilateral relations.


Author(s):  
Cláudia Mônica dos Santos ◽  
Alexandra A. Leite T. Seabra Eiras ◽  
Antoniana Dias Defilippo ◽  
Maria Carmelita Yazbek

This article deals with the protest movements in Latin American, American and British social work from 1960 to 1980, highlighting the historical and theoretical characteristics of the debate of the radical social work movement and of the Latin American Movement for Reconceptualisation within the context of the Marxist legacy. Within the objective of this article is an analysis of the relationship between the European and American social work protest movements and the Latin American Movement for Reconceptualisation, examining, for the delineated period, the overlaps between the regions involved (the UK, the US and Latin America) in a process of accentuated economic interaction at the global level. In other words, the issue of interest to us in this study is whether there was an actual relationship between the European and American social work protest movements and the Latin American Movement for Reconceptualisation, and on what basis it could be described.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 172
Author(s):  
Spencer P. Chainey ◽  
Gonzalo Croci ◽  
Laura Juliana Rodriguez Forero

Most research that has examined the international variation in homicide levels has focused on structural variables, with the suggestion that socio-economic development operates as a cure for violence. In Latin America, development has occurred, but high homicide levels remain, suggesting the involvement of other influencing factors. We posit that government effectiveness and corruption control may contribute to explaining the variation in homicide levels, and in particular in the Latin America region. Our results show that social and economic structural variables are useful but are not conclusive in explaining the variation in homicide levels and that the relationship between homicide, government effectiveness, and corruption control was significant and highly pronounced for countries in the Latin American region. The findings highlight the importance of supporting institutions in improving their effectiveness in Latin America so that reductions in homicide (and improvements in citizen security in general) can be achieved.


2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 122-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Freston

Latin America is undergoing a singular process of Christian pluralization from within and from the bottom up. It is thus a unique site for globalizing the US–European debate on religion and modernity. Pentecostalism has been the engine of religious change in Latin America, introducing a new model of the religious field. This article examines the relationship between the simultaneous growth of Pentecostalism and “no religion.” Latin America is also an important site for exploring the validity of controversial interpretations of the political implications of global southern Protestantism, with regard to geopolitics, democracy, urban violence and human rights. This paper also asks what light is thrown by Latin American Pentecostalism on the historical correlation between Protestantism and economic development, and by Latin American Pentecostal missionaries on the global debate about the rights and wrongs of proselytism. The conclusion discusses how the approaching ceiling on Pentecostal growth will change its sociological characteristics.


Digital Humanities in Latin America performs a number of tasks: a re-definition of the nations’ symbolic territories, which implies their exploration as digital contexts, experiments, media products, or even as uneven battlefields; a re-examination of the role of transnational networks in the configuration of new identities and/or communities, as exemplified by the cases of the Andean, Latin, and Afro-Latin networks discussed in this book; and a highlighting of the importance of cases that complexify the interaction between national territories and transnational flows through the remixing of aesthetic and political codes. Cognizant of the risks implicit in hegemonic agency, its object is to serve as a vehicle of communication between the Latin American digital humanities and the English-speaking circles of this field in the US and the UK, while at the same time documenting the existence and viability of pertinent academic initiatives south of the border.


2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (86) ◽  
pp. 35-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis Fernando Vargas-Alzate

This paper offers an analysis of historical, political, economic, and social events on which US-Latin American relations have been based. Centered on a constructivist approach, I review the main stages for explaining the quality and intensity of the interaction between the actors under consideration. In addition, I contend that US-Latin American relations have been cyclical in nature, and that these cycles have in turn complicated the task of assessing the dynamic of the relationship over the long term.I argue that the US achieved economic and political control over Latin America from the Nineteenth century. Although the specific circumstances that governed US-Latin American relations changed throughout the Twentieth century, this basic condition of domination remained. The situation changed, however, at the beginning of the Twenty-First century, during which Washington effectively lost Latin America. Nonetheless, Washington and Latin America are currently experiencing a rapprochement. This paper explains this sequence in detail and opens new discussions.


Author(s):  
Sally-Ann Treharne

Reagan and Thatcher’s Special Relationship offers a unique insight into one of the most controversial political relationships in recent history. An insightful and original study, it provides a new regionally focused approach to the study of Anglo-American relations. The Falklands War, the US invasion of Grenada, the Anglo-Guatemalan dispute over Belize and the US involvement in Nicaragua are vividly reconstructed as Latin American crises that threatened to overwhelm a renewal in US-UK relations in the 1980s. Reagan and Thatcher’s efforts to normalise relations, both during and after the crises, reveal a mutual desire to strengthen Anglo-American ties and to safeguard individual foreign policy objectives whilst cultivating a close personal and political bond that was to last well beyond their terms in office. This ground-breaking reappraisal analyses pivotal moments in their shared history by drawing on the extensive analysis of recently declassified documents while elite interviews reveal candid recollections by key protagonists providing an alternative vantage point from which to assess the contentious ‘Special Relationship’. Sally-Ann Treharne offers a compelling look into the role personal diplomacy played in overcoming obstacles to Anglo-American relations emanating from the turbulent Latin American region in the final years of the Cold War.


Author(s):  
Jeffrey Lawrence

This chapter focuses on a paradigmatic misencounter between an American experiencer and a Latin American reader. Examining an implicit debate about the sources of Walt Whitman’s poetry and vision of the Americas, I argue that Waldo Frank, one of the twentieth century’s main literary ambassadors from the US to Latin America, positioned Whitman as the representative US writer whose antibookish experiential aesthetics could serve as a model for “American” writers both in the North and in the South. I show how Frank’s framework provided a foil for Borges’s idiosyncratic view that Whitman’s poetry about America derived entirely from his readings of European and US writers. Although much of the best scholarship on Whitman’s reception in Latin America has concentrated on poets like José Martí and Pablo Neruda, who adapted Whitman’s naturalism, I contend that Borges’s iconoclastic portrait of Whitman as a reader profoundly influenced a range of anti-experiential literary theories and practices in Latin America.


This volume addresses the relationship between archaeologists and the dead, through the many dimensions of their relationships: in the field (through practical and legal issues), in the lab (through their analysis and interpretation), and in their written, visual and exhibitionary practice--disseminated to a variety of academic and public audiences. Written from a variety of perspectives, its authors address the experience, effect, ethical considerations, and cultural politics of working with mortuary archaeology. Whilst some papers reflect institutional or organizational approaches, others are more personal in their view: creating exciting and frank insights into contemporary issues that have hitherto often remained "unspoken" among the discipline. Reframing funerary archaeologists as "death-workers" of a kind, the contributors reflect on their own experience to provide both guidance and inspiration to future practitioners, arguing strongly that we have a central role to play in engaging the public with themes of mortality and commemoration, through the lens of the past. Spurred by the recent debates in the UK, papers from Scandinavia, Austria, Italy, the US, and the mid-Atlantic, frame these issues within a much wider international context that highlights the importance of cultural and historical context in which this work takes place.


Author(s):  
Esteban Torres ◽  
Carina Borrastero

This article analyzes how the research on the relation between capitalism and the state in Latin America has developed from the 1950s up to the present. It starts from the premise that knowledge of this relation in sociology and other social sciences in Latin America has been taking shape through the disputes that have opposed three intellectual standpoints: autonomist, denialist, and North-centric. It analyzes how these standpoints envision the relationship between economy and politics and how they conceptualize three regionally and globally growing trends: the concentration of power, social inequality, and environmental depletion. It concludes with a series of challenges aimed at restoring the theoretical and political potency of the autonomist program in Latin American sociology.


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