scholarly journals Institutional Change and Macroeconomic Variables in the ASEAN—Indonesia, Vietnam, and Cambodia: The Effects of a Trade War between China and USA

Economies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 195
Author(s):  
Fransiskus Xaverius Lara Aba

A trade war between the United States and China resulted in an increase in trade tariffs on imported goods entering each of these countries. Southeast Asian countries that have trade relations with the two countries, especially in terms of non-oil and gas exports of 25% to 35%, will be affected by export demand. Furthermore, the effects of the trade war will reduce gross domestic product (GDP) in Southeast Asian countries or the ASEAN and increase the current account deficit. On the other hand, the effects of the trade war that led to the decision of foreign investors to move their manufacturing base out of China will produce a flow of foreign investment that is ready to be captured by every ASEAN country.

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andysah Putera Utama Siahaan ◽  
Rusiadi

The purpose of this study is to obtain a predictive pattern of the integration of ASEAN financial markets with the Multifactor Arbitrage Pricing Theory (APT) approach. The specific target in this study is Analyzing the effectiveness of the Multifactor APT Model in forming a predictive pattern of financial market integration in Southeast Asian countries, both in the short, medium and long-term. Establish the fastest and most appropriate ASEAN country in predicting financial market integration in Southeast Asian countries, both in the short, medium and long-term. The hypothesis in this study is that the Multifactor APT model is useful in forming a predictive pattern of financial market integration in Southeast Asian countries. Indonesia is the fastest and appropriate ASEAN country to use in predicting the occurrence of financial market integration in Southeast Asian countries. The data analysis model used is Vector Autoregression (VAR), Impulse Response Function (IRF), Forecast Error Variance Decomposition (FEVD). The assumption test used is Stationarity Test, Cointegration Test, Lag Stability Test, VAR Structure and Determination of Optimal Lag Levels. The results of data analysis with VAR are expected to be able to form a pattern of predictions of effective financial market integration in ASEAN countries. Varian Decomposition results can determine which ASEAN countries are the fastest and most appropriate in predicting the occurrence of financial market integration in Southeast Asian countries, both in the short, medium and long-term.


Author(s):  
Kenton Clymer

The U.S. relationship with Southeast Asia has always reflected the state of U.S. interactions with the three major powers that surround the region: Japan, China, and, to a lesser extent, India. Initially, Americans looked at Southeast Asia as an avenue to the rich markets that China and India seemed to offer, while also finding trading opportunities in the region itself. Later, American missionaries sought to save Southeast Asian souls, while U.S. officials often viewed Southeast Asia as a region that could tip the overall balance of power in East Asia if its enormous resources fell under the control of a hostile power. American interest expanded enormously with the annexation of the Philippines in 1899, an outgrowth of the Spanish-American War. That acquisition resulted in a nearly half-century of American colonial rule, while American investors increased their involvement in exploiting the region’s raw materials, notably tin, rubber, and petroleum, and missionaries expanded into areas previously closed to them. American occupation of the Philippines heightened tensions with Japan, which sought the resources of Southeast Asia, particularly in French Indochina, Malaya, and the Dutch East Indies (today’s Indonesia). Eventually, clashing ambitions and perceptions brought the United States into World War II. Peeling those territories away from Japan during the war was a key American objective. Americans resisted the Japanese in the Philippines and in Burma, but after Japan quickly subdued Southeast Asia, there was little contact in the region until the reconquest began in 1944. American forces participated in the liberation of Burma and also fought in the Dutch Indies and the Philippines before the war ended in 1945. After the war, the United States had to face the independence struggles in several Southeast Asian countries, even as the Grand Alliance fell apart and the Cold War emerged, which for the next several decades overshadowed almost everything. American efforts to prevent communist expansion in the region inhibited American support for decolonization and led to war in Vietnam and Laos and covert interventions elsewhere. With the end of the Cold War in 1991, relations with most of Southeast Asia have generally been normal, except for Burma/Myanmar, where a brutal military junta ruled. The opposition, led by the charismatic Aung San Suu Kyi, found support in the United States. More recently American concerns with China’s new assertiveness, particularly in the South China Sea, have resulted in even closer U.S. relations with Southeast Asian countries.


Author(s):  
A. A. Rogozhin

In the twenty-first century African countries have not only taken a significant step forward in their economic development as a whole, but have also strengthened their positions in the world economy. One manifestation of this is the emergence of new foreign economic partners for African countries. African countries have become more interesting, not only for Asian giants – China and India, but also for Southeast Asia countries, which have just recently started their outward expansion. The main purpose of this study is to create an initial, most general panorama of how trade and investment relations between the Southeast Asian and African countries developed in the new century. As regard for trade, we used a quite complete statistical database under the auspices of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Southeast Asia was represented by all 10 of ASEAN member-countries. The African continent was portrayed by 47 countries. A comprehensive analysis of the statistical data showed that the trade operations of Southeast Asian countries with their African partners were profitable for them: in 2010–2016 they had a permanent surplus on these operations. It was found that in 2010–2016. the main partners of African countries were Thailand (with turnover of 69 billion dollars.). Singapore ($64 billion)) and Malaysia ($48 billion).). Companies from Southeast Asian countries expect to expand on the African continent, taking into account, in particular, the following factors: the need to enlarge and diversify their imports of oil and gas. as well as some types of industrial raw materials that are not available in Southeast Asia; constantly growing opportunities to expand exports of their goods, in order to meet growing consumer demand in African countries; Southeast Asian exporters expect a significant expansion of their exports following the entry into force of the African Continental Free Trade Area) in 2022. As for investment links, we were forced to gather by trifles everything concerned about Southeast Asian investments on African continent. Reliable generalizing statistics on this segment of economic relations either do not exist, or it is not available to research community. As a result of monitoring of investment contacts, it was possible to collect the final material giving a short  overview of this process.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Wen-Qing Ngoei

This introduction presents an overview of the book’s study of imperial transition in Southeast Asia from the colonial order through Anglo-American predominance to U.S. empire. It explains that the book examines two Southeast Asian countries—Malaya and Singapore—marginalized by major studies of U.S. policy to illuminate regional developments in U.S.-Southeast Asian relations otherwise overlooked by the predominant focus of historians on U.S. involvement in Vietnam. Using this wide-angle view of Southeast Asia, the book reveals how the bases of U.S. Cold War policy draw from longstanding Euro-American anxieties about race, specifically the perceived threat of China and its diaspora to western power. From this insight, the book is able to reveal that Britain, the United States and their indigenous anticommunist allies crafted a pro-West nationalism underpinned by region-wide anti-Chinese prejudice, a process that ensconced most Southeast Asian regimes within the American orbit even as U.S. policy failed in Vietnam.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-134
Author(s):  
Norsyazwani Mohammad ◽  
Emilia Zainal Abidin ◽  
Vivien How ◽  
Sarva Mangala Praveena ◽  
Zailina Hashim

Abstract Background: It is estimated that pesticide production and use have increased continuously in the countries of Southeast Asia in recent years. Within the context of protecting the safety and health of workers in the agricultural sector, there is an existing gap in the implementation of the pesticide management framework because safety and health effects arising from occupational exposures continue to be reported. Objective: This study aims to provide narrative similarities, differences and weaknesses of the existing pesticide management system in Southeast Asian countries (Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam) within the context of occupational safety and health. Methods: This is preliminary traditional review study. Pesticide regulation and management at the country level were identified using web-based search engines such as Scopus, ScienceDirect, PubMed and Google. Book, reports, legislation document and other documents retrieved were also gathered from international organizations and specific websites of governmental agency in Southeast Asian countries. The scope of this review is only limited to literature written in English. In total, 44 review articles, reports and documents were gathered for this study. The approach of pesticide management in protecting safety and health in the agricultural setting were benchmarked according to the elements introduced by the United States Environmental Protection Agency, namely, (1) the protection of workers and (2) the practice of safety. Results: All countries have assigned a local authority and government organization to manage and control pesticide use in the agricultural sector. The countries with the highest usage of pesticide are Thailand, Philippines and Malaysia. Most Southeast Asian countries have emphasized safety practice in the management of pesticide usage, but there were less emphasis on the element of protection of workers within the framework in Indonesia, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam. Conclusion: The governing bodies in the countries of Southeast Asia have placed significant effort to develop framework related to pesticide management at the country level. The implementation of pesticide management based on the existing framework is evident in most of the countries but needs to be improved. It is suggested that emphasis be given to the implementation of diagnosis, health surveillance and reporting system as well as following or adopting standard guidelines for the protection of workers in terms of safety and health in the agricultural sector.


Author(s):  
А.А. Zabella ◽  
◽  
E.Yu. Katkova ◽  

The article defines the basic postulates of China's peripheral diplomacy and its features. The authors analyze the basics of China's foreign policy, as well as its policy towards the ASEAN. The authors focus on the "One belt, one road" initiative and the Indo-Pacific strategy, as well as the struggle between China and the United States for the loyalty of Southeast Asian countries.


2020 ◽  
pp. 179-238
Author(s):  
David Shambaugh

This chapter explores how the ten Southeast Asian countries each try their best to navigate between the two big powers of China and the United States. Not a single country in the region is entirely under either Chinese or American influence. Most Southeast Asian states “hedge” between the two big powers; they seek to maintain their independence and freedom of choices and action; most seek benefits from each while avoiding dependency; and all have to simultaneously navigate bilaterally with each power, trilaterally with both powers, and multilaterally with other significant regional powers and within the framework of “ASEAN centrality.” Among the ten states, the chapter reveals one notable overarching characteristic: pervasive ambivalence. That is, all ten countries exhibit ambivalence about both powers—not fully trusting either.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-57
Author(s):  
Andrea Benvenuti ◽  
David Martin Jones

A generation of scholars has depicted the premiership of Labor Party leader Gough Whitlam as a watershed in Australian foreign policy. According to the prevailing consensus, Whitlam carved out a more independent and progressive role in international affairs without significantly endangering relations with Western-aligned states in East and Southeast Asia or with Australia's traditionally closest allies, the United States and the United Kingdom. This article takes issue with these views and offers a more skeptical assessment of Whitlam's diplomacy and questions his handling of Australia's alliance with the United States. In doing so, it shows that Whitlam, in his eagerness to embrace détente, reject containment, and project an image of an allegedly more progressive and independent Australia, in fact exacerbated tensions with Richard Nixon's Republican administration and caused disquiet among Southeast Asian countries that were aligned with or at least friendly toward the West.


2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 120-136
Author(s):  
NGUYEN THANH LIEM ◽  
TRAN HUNG SON ◽  
HOANG TRUNG NGHIA

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