scholarly journals Laws Restricting Access to Abortion Services and Infant Mortality Risk in the United States

Author(s):  
Roman Pabayo ◽  
Amy Ehntholt ◽  
Daniel M. Cook ◽  
Megan Reynolds ◽  
Peter Muennig ◽  
...  

Objectives: Since the US Supreme Court′s 1973 Roe v. Wade decision legalizing abortion, states have enacted laws restricting access to abortion services. Previous studies suggest that restricting access to abortion is a risk factor for adverse maternal and infant health. The objective of this investigation is to study the relationship between the type and the number of state-level restrictive abortion laws and infant mortality risk. Methods: We used data on 11,972,629 infants and mothers from the US Cohort Linked Birth/Infant Death Data Files 2008–2010. State-level abortion laws included Medicaid funding restrictions, mandatory parental involvement, mandatory counseling, mandatory waiting period, and two-visit laws. Multilevel logistic regression was used to determine whether type or number of state-level restrictive abortion laws during year of birth were associated with odds of infant mortality. Results: Compared to infants living in states with no restrictive laws, infants living in states with one or two restrictive laws (adjusted odds ratio (AOR) = 1.08; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.99–1.18) and those living in states with 3 to 5 restrictive laws (AOR = 1.10; 95% CI = 1.01–1.20) were more likely to die. Separate analyses examining the relationship between parental involvement laws and infant mortality risk, stratified by maternal age, indicated that significant associations were observed among mothers aged ≤19 years (AOR = 1.09, 95% CI = 1.00–1.19), and 20 to 25 years (AOR = 1.10, 95% CI = 1.03–1.17). No significant association was observed among infants born to older mothers. Conclusion: Restricting access to abortion services may increase the risk for infant mortality.

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-398
Author(s):  
Jessica Owens-Young ◽  
Caryn N. Bell

Objectives: Despite improvements in infant mortality rates (IMR) in the United States, racial gaps in IMR remain and may be driven by both structural racism and place. This study assesses the relationship between structural racism and race-specific IMR and the role of urban-rural classifica­tion on race-specific IMR and Black/White racial gaps in IMR.Methods: We conducted an analysis of variance tests using 2019 County Health Rankings Data to determine differences in structural racism indicators, IMR and other co-variates by urban-rural classification. We used linear regressions to determine the associations between measures of structural racism and county-level health outcomes.Results: Study results suggest that racial inequities in education, work, and home­ownership negatively impact Black IMR, especially in large fringe, medium, and small metro counties, and positively impact White IMR. Structural racism is also associated with Black-White gaps in IMR.Conclusions: Factors related to structural racism may not be homogenous or have the same impacts on overall IMR, race-specific IMR, and racial differences in IMR across places. Understanding these differential impacts can help public health profes­sionals and policymakers improve Black infant health and eliminate racial inequities in IMR. Ethn Dis. 2020;30(3):389-398; doi:10.18865/ed.30.3.389


2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalie A Rosenquist ◽  
Daniel M Cook ◽  
Amy Ehntholt ◽  
Anthony Omaye ◽  
Peter Muennig ◽  
...  

BackgroundCompared to other Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) nations, US infant mortality rates (IMRs) are particularly high. These differences are partially driven by racial disparities, with non-Hispanic black having IMRs that are twice those of non-Hispanic white. Income inequality (the gap between rich and poor) is associated with infant mortality. One proposed way to decrease income inequality (and possibly to improve birth outcomes) is to increase the minimum wage. We aimed to elucidate the relationship between state-level minimum wage and infant mortality risk using individual-level and state-level data. We also determined whether observed associations were heterogeneous across racial groups.MethodsData were from US Vital Statistics 2010 Cohort Linked Birth and Infant Death records and the 2010 US Bureau of Labor Statistics. We fit multilevel logistic models to test whether state minimum wage was associated with infant mortality. Minimum wage was standardised using the z-transformation and was dichotomised (high vs low) at the 75th percentile. Analyses were stratified by mother's race (non-Hispanic black vs non-Hispanic white).ResultsHigh minimum wage (adjusted OR (AOR)=0.93, 95% CI 0.83 to 1.03) was associated with decreased odds of infant mortality but was not statistically significant. High minimum wage was significantly associated with reduced infant mortality among non-Hispanic black infants (AOR=0.80, 95% CI 0.68 to 0.94) but not among non-Hispanic white infants (AOR=1.04, 95% CI 0.92 to 1.17).ConclusionsIncreasing the minimum wage might be beneficial to infant health, especially among non-Hispanic black infants, and thus might decrease the racial disparity in infant mortality.


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip N. Cohen

This paper assesses the pattern of infant mortality by maternal age for White, Black, and Mexican mothers using the 2013 Period Linked Birth/Infant Death Public Use File from the Centers for Disease Control. The results are consistent with the “weathering” hypothesis, which suggests that White women benefit from delayed childbearing while for Black women early childbearing is adaptive because of deteriorating health status through the childbearing years. For White women,the risk (adjusted for covariates) of infant death is U-shaped—lowest in the early thirties—while for Black women the risk increases linearly with age. Mexican-origin women show a J-shape, with highest risk at the oldest ages. The results underscore the need for understanding the relationship between maternal age and infant mortality in the context of unequal health experiences across race/ethnic groups in the US.


Author(s):  
Steven Hurst

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.


Author(s):  
Terence Young ◽  
Alan MacEachern ◽  
Lary Dilsaver

This essay explores the evolving international relationship of the two national park agencies that in 1968 began to offer joint training classes for protected-area managers from around the world. Within the British settler societies that dominated nineteenth century park-making, the United States’ National Park Service (NPS) and Canada’s National Parks Branch were the most closely linked and most frequently cooperative. Contrary to campfire myths and nationalist narratives, however, the relationship was not a one-way flow of information and motivation from the US to Canada. Indeed, the latter boasted a park bureaucracy before the NPS was established. The relationship of the two nations’ park leaders in the half century leading up to 1968 demonstrates the complexity of defining the influences on park management and its diffusion from one country to another.


Author(s):  
Frédéric Grare

India’s relationship with the United States remains crucial to its own objectives, but is also ambiguous. The asymmetry of power between the two countries is such that the relationship, if potentially useful, is not necessary for the United States while potentially risky for India. Moreover, the shift of the political centre of gravity of Asia — resulting from the growing rivalry between China and the US — is eroding the foundations of India’s policy in Asia, while prospects for greater economic interaction is limited by India’s slow pace of reforms. The future of India-US relations lies in their capacity to evolve a new quid pro quo in which the US will formulate its expectations in more realistic terms while India would assume a larger share of the burden of Asia’ security.


Author(s):  
Mostafa Abbas ◽  
Thomas B. Morland ◽  
Eric S. Hall ◽  
Yasser EL-Manzalawy

We utilize functional data analysis techniques to investigate patterns of COVID-19 positivity and mortality in the US and their associations with Google search trends for COVID-19-related symptoms. Specifically, we represent state-level time series data for COVID-19 and Google search trends for symptoms as smoothed functional curves. Given these functional data, we explore the modes of variation in the data using functional principal component analysis (FPCA). We also apply functional clustering analysis to identify patterns of COVID-19 confirmed case and death trajectories across the US. Moreover, we quantify the associations between Google COVID-19 search trends for symptoms and COVID-19 confirmed case and death trajectories using dynamic correlation. Finally, we examine the dynamics of correlations for the top nine Google search trends of symptoms commonly associated with COVID-19 confirmed case and death trajectories. Our results reveal and characterize distinct patterns for COVID-19 spread and mortality across the US. The dynamics of these correlations suggest the feasibility of using Google queries to forecast COVID-19 cases and mortality for up to three weeks in advance. Our results and analysis framework set the stage for the development of predictive models for forecasting COVID-19 confirmed cases and deaths using historical data and Google search trends for nine symptoms associated with both outcomes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 790-804 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Macdonald

The United States has become increasingly unequal. Income inequality has risen dramatically since the 1970s, yet public opinion toward redistribution has remained largely unchanged. This is puzzling, given Americans’ professed concern regarding, and knowledge of, rising inequality. I argue that trust in government can help to reconcile this. I combine data on state-level income inequality with survey data from the Cumulative American National Election Studies (CANES) from 1984 to 2016. I find that trust in government conditions the relationship between inequality and redistribution, with higher inequality prompting demand for government redistribution, but only among politically trustful individuals. This holds among conservatives and non-conservatives and among the affluent and non-affluent. These findings underscore the relevance of political trust in shaping attitudes toward inequality and economic redistribution and contribute to our understanding of why American public opinion has not turned in favor of redistribution during an era of rising income inequality.


2021 ◽  
pp. e1-e10
Author(s):  
Kristen Schorpp Rapp ◽  
Vanessa V. Volpe ◽  
Hannah Neukrug

Objectives. To quantify racial/ethnic differences in the relationship between state-level sexism and barriers to health care access among non-Hispanic White, non-Hispanic Black, and Hispanic women in the United States. Methods. We merged a multidimensional state-level sexism index compiled from administrative data with the national Consumer Survey of Health Care Access (2014–2019; n = 10 898) to test associations between exposure to state-level sexism and barriers to access, availability, and affordability of health care. Results. Greater exposure to state-level sexism was associated with more barriers to health care access among non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic women, but not non-Hispanic White women. Affordability barriers (cost of medical bills, health insurance, prescriptions, and tests) appeared to drive these associations. More frequent need for care exacerbated the relationship between state-level sexism and barriers to care for Hispanic women. Conclusions. The relationship between state-level sexism and women’s barriers to health care access differs by race/ethnicity and frequency of needing care. Public Health Implications. State-level policies may be used strategically to promote health care equity at the intersection of gender and race/ethnicity. (Am J Public Health. Published online ahead of print September 2, 2021: e1–e10. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306455 )


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