scholarly journals People of Color, People of Faith: The Effect of Social Capital and Religion on the Political Participation of Marginalized Communities

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 249
Author(s):  
Kiku Huckle ◽  
Andrea Silva

U.S. immigration policy over the last 100 years has changed the onus of political acculturation from public programs to private groups like churches. After this significant policy change, how do religion, social capital, and nativity intersect in the political mobilization of racial minorities? Furthermore, after the 1965 Hart-Celler Act, the country of origin of immigrants shifted from European countries to Latin America and Asia. Scholars have theorized that churches play a pivotal role in the socialization of immigrants by providing a place of belonging and a community willing to teach newcomers about the goings-on of American political society. How have these acculturation policies worked under new immigration populations? Previous scholarly work has connected social capital with churches, though their relationship to political participation has been minimal. We hypothesize that social capital and religious tradition have a multiplicative effect on the participation rates of believers, but that race mitigates that effect. The positioning of racial groups in broader society impacts the significance and role of churches within these communities. We use Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS) 2016 data to examine the connection between social capital, religion, and political behavior in a novel attempt to systematically identify the unique role of churches in the mobilization of racial minority communities. We use these results to suggest that the current policies of privatizing political acculturation have had less success with more recent waves of immigrants.

Author(s):  
Matthew D. Nelsen

Abstract Political scientists have identified how resources, attitudes, and mobilization impact political participation across racial groups. However, the role of civic education has largely been overlooked in shaping these trends. I develop a theory that suggests exposure to civics curricula yields heterogeneous effects on the political participation of youth across racial groups. I test my hypotheses with data from the Black Youth Project's 2005 Youth Culture Survey, supplemented by two original data collections from 2017–2018. I find that civic education courses are associated with higher rates of external efficacy among white youth, but not for black and Latinx youth. Contrastingly, civic education courses appear to increase acts of public voice among black and Latinx respondents, but not for their white peers. Rather than viewing civic education courses as a panacea for low rates of youth political participation, scholars and policymakers should pay closer attention to the ways in which the content of civic education courses contributes to heterogeneous effects across racial and ethnic groups.


2021 ◽  
Vol VI (I) ◽  
pp. 470-476
Author(s):  
Hazrat Bilal ◽  
Shaista Gohar ◽  
Ayaz Ali Shah

An effort has been made to revisit the political participation of Pakhtun women in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa former NWFP. The active role in the politics of Pakhtun women was quite difficult due to socio-cultural constraints. In such circumstances a woman from the elite class emerged on the political scene of NWFP; Begum Zari Sarfaraz who not only participated in the independence movement of Pakistan but also participated in politics after the creation of Pakistan and had rendered great services for women folk as members of national and provincial assemblies. The paper shed light on her opposition to One Unit. The paper also investigates the reason that why she quit politics. There is hardly any literature on the role of Begum Zari Sarfaraz in the politics of Pakistan.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcela García-Castañon ◽  
Kiku Huckle ◽  
Hannah L. Walker ◽  
Chinbo Chong

AbstractThis paper examines the effect of institutional contact on political participation among non-White communities. While both formal and informal institutions help shape community citizen participation, their effects vary on the historical inclusion (or exclusion) of certain racial groups. Formal institutions, like political parties, have historically excluded or neglected non-White and immigrant voters. We argue that for the excluded or neglected, non-traditional political institutions, like community based organizations, serve as supplements to facilitate political incorporation and engagement. These informal institutions help develop skills and resources among their constituents, and offer routine opportunities to participate. We use the 2008 Collaborative Multi-racial Post-Election Survey (CMPS) to test the differential effects of self-reported voter mobilization through nonpartisan and partisan institutional contact to explain variations among racial groups by the intensity of contact, occurrence of co-ethnic outreach, and type of institutional mobilization. We find that while contact by a partisan/political institution, like a political party or campaign, has an overall positive effect on political participation for all voters, contact by a nonpartisan/civic or community group is substantively more important for Latino and Asian American voter mobilization. Our analysis therefore offers cohesive evidence of how voters interact with and are affected by mobilization efforts that attends to differences across racial and ethnic boundaries, and variations in institutional contact.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
PETER W. WIELHOUWER

This research examines the role of the personal contacting activities of the political parties as mobilizing forces in what Verba and Nie termed campaign activities. A reformulated rational choice model is discussed in which parties seek to reduce certain avoidable and unavoidable costs associated with political participation. Using data from the 1952 through 1994 American National Election Studies, it is shown that the party contact has been and continues to be a major factor in mobilizing campaign activists. Its influence is remarkably robust, maintaining statistical and substantive significance even after controlling for other important factors usually associated with political behavior.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jurnal ARISTO ◽  
Muhammad Fadli ◽  
Muh. Kausar Bailusy ◽  
Jayadi Nas ◽  
Achmad Zulfikar

This research aims to illustrate and analyze the role of local elites in increasing voter participation and impact of local elite involvement in North Toraja District Head Vice Regent and Vice Regent 2015 by using qualitative descriptive method. Data were obtained by using interviews as well as literature and document studies.The results indicate that local elites play a role in increasing participation in Pilkada in North Toraja according to their capacity. Local political elites socialize candidate pairs, become campaign teams and volunteer teams of candidates for regent / vice bupati candidates. Religious figures become part of the election organizers and socialize the implementation of Pilkada through religious activities. Adat leaders play a role by utilizing the charisma owned socialize information Pilkada to the community, build communication with the candidate pair then support it in the elections.The involvement of local elites in the implementation of North Sulawesi District Head Vice Regent and Vice Regent 2015 has a significant impact on the political participation of the community. Increasing the political participation of the people in Pilkada is not solely because of the involvement of local elites in disseminating information on Regional Head Election. However, there are other motivating factors that enable the community to actively participate, namely (1) to be given material rewards (including piloting gambling activities) and (2) the religious sentiments of one of the candidate pairs on religious leaders in worship activities.


2017 ◽  
Vol 225 (4) ◽  
pp. 347-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Šerek ◽  
Hana Machackova ◽  
Petr Macek

Abstract. Research on the political behavior of young people often approaches psychological factors such as political efficacy or interest as antecedents of political participation. This study examines whether efficacy and interest are also outcomes of participation and if this effect differs across three types of political participation. Data from a two-wave longitudinal survey of 768 Czech adolescents (aged 14–17 years at Time 1, 54% females) was used. Findings support the proposition that psychological factors are affected by participatory experiences. Cross-lagged models showed longitudinal effects from participation to changes in psychological factors, but not effects in the opposite direction. Protest participation predicted higher interest and internal political efficacy, but lower external political efficacy, volunteering predicted higher external political efficacy, and representational participation had no effects on psychological factors. Overall, our findings point out the formative role of participatory experiences in adolescence and the diverse effects of different types of political participation on political development.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth S. Manley

Chapter 6 addresses the ways in which many Dominican activists interrogated the role of Balaguer’s government in the regulation of individual’s women’s lives and families and challenged many of its violent, dictatorial tendencies. Refuting the regime’s argument for a “revolution without blood,” many women described the government’s agenda to national and inter-American audiences as “blood without revolution” and continued to mobilize within the opposition through the discourse of motherhood and family. However, the chapter also looks at the many cracks developing in the discourse of maternalism that, coupled with an ever-deepening awareness of the tools and tactics of international second-wave feminism, pushed many women to challenge a model of political participation that constructed their roles in the political arena merely as nurturers and caretakers.


Author(s):  
Gilles Riaux

This chapter looks at the central role of entrepreneurs of mobilization. The study of different routes taken by entrepreneurs of the Azerbaijani cause has proven helpful when attempting to understand the genesis of the cause. These actors play a crucial role in the initiation and development of the movement, restructuring it throughout the revolutionary period and working toward the subversion of ethnic ranking. Indeed, resource mobilization highlights the decisive role played by intellectual figures from the educated middle classes. Based on their cultural and social capital, these entrepreneurs have specific resources that give them the ability to carry out a redefinition and enhancement of “turkishness” in its Azerbaijani specificity. The chapter then points out that Azeri elites with significant cultural capital tend to be integrated in the political system, whereas those with more “local” capital have been involved in setting up the Azeri rights movement.


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