scholarly journals Between Equality and the Right to Be Different—The Politicization of Concepts in the Fight against Discrimination Due to Sexual Orientation

Sexes ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-162
Author(s):  
Bruno Ferreira Costa

The debate around the principle of equality and the theme of discrimination around sexual orientation has been one of the most relevant in the process of ensuring the spread of human rights. After ensuring a set of civil and political rights, several groups and social movements have warned political actors of the need to look at each citizen’s individuality and guarantee through legislation and daily practices, respect for that individuality. This process is being conducted around the dichotomy between the concepts of equality and difference. It is from this analysis of the two concepts that we come across the theme of the rights of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transvestite, transexual and transgender (LGBTQ+) community. With a qualitative approach, and while referring to the historical path of this theme, we review the central concepts in the promotion of equality and analyze the dichotomy between equality and difference. We ask, in an increasingly globalized world, does it make sense to point out difference as a mechanism for the defense of equality? Using semiotics, we approach the two central concepts and the political effort to normalize this theme to the public, using the Portuguese case (law and Non-Governmental organizations action) to characterize the central debate on equality and difference.

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-123
Author(s):  
Jamil Ddamulira Mujuzi

Abstract Article 12(4) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (iccpr) provides that ‘[n]o one shall be arbitrarily deprived of the right to enter his own country.’ The jurisprudence of the Human Rights Committee shows that Committee members have often disagreed on the question of whether the right under Article 12(4) is reserved for citizens only or it can be claimed by non-citizens who consider the countries in which they were born or they have lived for longer periods as their own. In its earlier case law, the Committee held that Article 12(4) is applicable to nationals only. Since 1999, when General Comment No.27 was adopted, the Committee has moved towards extending the right under Article 12(4) to non-nationals. Its latest case law appears to have supported the Committee’s position that Article 12(4) is applicable to non-nationals. Central to both majority and minority decisions in which the Committee has dealt with Article 12(4), is whether the travaux préparatoires of Article 12(4) support either view. This article relies on the travaux préparatoires of Article 12(4) to argue that it does not support the view that Article 12(4) is applicable to non-nationals.


2018 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  

In Victoria, complaints against the police made by members of the public are predominantly investigated and determined by serving police officers. Such police-dominated complaints mechanisms are widely considered to be ineffective, and are being increasingly abandoned the world over. With reference to the obligations imposed by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, this article critically examines Victoria’s police-dominated complaints mechanism and argues that it violates the right to an effective remedy contained in article 2 paragraph 3 of the Covenant. As a constituent state of a state party to the Covenant, Victoria is obliged to give effect to the Covenant’s obligations, and so must create an independent police complaints mechanism tasked with investigating complaints made against the police involving allegations of breaches of the Covenant’s protected rights.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (100) ◽  
pp. 1209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Encarna Carmona Cuenca

Resumen:El Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos no reconoce expresamente los derechos sociales de prestación (a excepción del derecho a la educación). A pesar de ello, el Tribunal de Estrasburgo ha realizado una interpretación extensiva de los derechos civiles y políticos reconocidos para incluir, de diversas formas, la protección de aquellos derechos. Una de las técnicas utilizadas ha sido la doctrina de las obligaciones positivas del Estado. Aunque el Tribunal ha aplicado esta doctrina, fundamentalmente, a los derechos civiles y políticos, podemos encontrar algunas resoluciones en las que establece determinadas obligaciones positivas estatales para proteger derechos como la protección de la salud, la vivienda, la protección social o la protección de las personas con discapacidad. En general, se trata de reconocimientos generales y poco concretos pero, en algunos casos, ha detallado cuáles son estas obligaciones. Esto lo ha hecho, en primer lugar, en casos en que se habían producido daños cuya responsabilidad era directa o indirectamente del Estado. En segundo lugar, cuando se trataba de personas que se encontraban bajo la tutela del Estado, como las personas detenidas o internas en prisiones. Y, en tercer lugar, cuando los afectados eran personas especialmente vulnerables (discapacitados o pertenecientes a la minoría gitana). Aunque se trata de una interpretación incipiente y poco desarrollada, muestra un camino en el que se debería profundizar en el futuro. Es generalmente admitido que son los Estados quienes deben tener la iniciativa en el diseño y establecimiento de los derechos sociales de prestación pero, en caso de conductas y omisiones estatales manifiestamente contrarias a los estándares internacionales, el Tribunal Europeo debería obligar a los Estados mediante sus sentencias a dictar una legislación o establecer políticas que hagan efectivos estos derechos.El artículo consta de una introducción, cuatro epígrafes de contenido y una conclusión final. En el segundo epígrafe se aborda la cuestión de la problemática justiciabilidad de los derechos sociales de prestación. En el tercero se hace referencia a la doctrina de las obligaciones positivas del Estado en la jurisprudencia del TEDH. En el cuarto se apuntan las principales técnicas que ha utilizado el TEDH para proteger los derechos sociales de prestación y, en particular, la extensión del contenido de algunos derechos civiles y políticos. En el quinto epígrafe se analiza cómo se ha utilizado la técnica de las obligacionespositivas del Estado en la protección de los derechos sociales de prestación y, en concreto, del derecho a la protección de la salud y del derecho a la vivienda.Summary:1. Introduction. 2. The social rights of assistance and its problematic justiciability. 3. The positive obligations of the state in the case lawof the ECtHR. 4. The protection techniques of the social rights of assistance in the case law of the ECtHR. 4.1. General approach. 4.2. Application of the prohibition of discrimination of article 14 ECtHR to certain social benefits. 4.3. Extension of the content of several rights recognized in the Convention. 5. In particular: the protection of social rights of assistance through the doctrine of the positive obligations of the state. 5.1. The right to health protection. 5.2. Theright to housing. 6. By way of conclusion.Abstract:The European Convention on Human Rights does not expressly recognize any social rights of assistance (except the right to education). In spite of this, the Strasbourg Court has made a broad interpretation of recognized civil and political rights to include, in different ways, the protection of those rights. One of the techniques used by the Court has been the doctrine of the State's positive obligations under the ECHR. Although the Court has essentially applied this doctrine to the civil and political rights, we can find some resolutions in which it establishes certain positive state obligations to protect rights such as protection of health, housing, social benefits or protection of people with disabilities. Generally, these are general and not very specific recognitions, but in some cases, they have detailed what these obligations are.Firstly, this has been done in cases where there was damage which was directly or indirectly the responsibility of the State. Secondly, regarding people who were under the protection of the State, such as persons detained or interned in prisons. And, thirdly, when those affected were particularly vulnerable (disabled or belonging to the Roma minority). Although it is an incipient and underdeveloped interpretation, it shows a way in which should be further deepened. It is generally accepted that it is the States that must take the initiative in designing and establishing social rights of assistance but, inthe case of state conduct and omissions that are manifestly contrary to international standards, the European Court should oblige States with their judgements to enact legislation or develop policies to give effect to these rights.The article consists of an introduction, four content epigraphs and a final conclusion. The second section deals with the question of the problematic justiciability of social rights of assistance. The third refers to the doctrine of the positive obligations of the State in the Case Law of the ECtHR. The fourth section outlines the main techniques used by the ECtHR to protect the social rights of assistance and, in particular, expanding the scope of some civil and political rights. The fifth section analyzes the use of the technique of positive obligationsof the State in the protection of social rights of assistance and, in particular, the right to protection of health and the right to housing.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gor Movsisian

The objective of this note is to provide solutions to the problem of the legal standing of non-governmental organizations before the courts in the particular case of Armenia. These solutions are based on the progress that has been made in the study of environmental law, the provisions of the Constitution of Armenia, international obligations, and developments in case law. In particular, it is argued that non-governmental organizations in Armenia are formally endowed with the right to access justice on environmental matters in public interest litigations, even though this right is not recognized by the courts of the Republic of Armenia. To overcome this discrepancy the author of the article offers an interpretation of the legislation in order to sustain his position. By analysing some problems the author underlines the prominence of the developments in the Republic of Armenia and Europe that are little known to the lawmaking and law enforcing authorities or underestimated by them in the long term perspective.


Author(s):  
Henry F. Carey

Economic, social, and cultural rights (ESCRs) emerged in the twentieth century as the set of “second-generation” rights after civil and political rights (CPRs). ESCRs represent the “equality” phase of human rights after the “liberty” aspect of CPRs. Despite having achieved legal respect and parity with all other CPRs, ESCRs are often perceived as having less legal clarity and required compliance in practice. ESCRs, however, have a substantial doctrine for many rights of progressive development or realization. In addition to progressive development of all the rights in the 1966 International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), the Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Committee, which explains and monitors that treaty, has established a set of core obligations of states. Despite the problems inherent in the process of monitoring ESCRs, there are three major institutions which review the state of ESCRs in the world today: the United Nations (UN), states parties, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Additionally, the general direction of the literature on ESCRs is geared towards implementation and promotion of these rights. However, there is a tendency to examine ESCR violations that have a link to CPRs or to UN peace projects. There have also been various initiatives affecting second- and especially third-generation rights, such as the protection of indigenous peoples.


10.17345/1289 ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gor Movsisian

The objective of this note is to provide solutions to the problem of the legal standing of non-governmental organizations before the courts in the particular case of Armenia. These solutions are based on the progress that has been made in the study of environmental law, the provisions of the Constitution of Armenia, international obligations, and developments in case law. In particular, it is argued that non-governmental organizations in Armenia are formally endowed with the right to access justice on environmental matters in public interest litigations, even though this right is not recognized by the courts of the Republic of Armenia. To overcome this discrepancy the author of the article offers an interpretation of the legislation in order to sustain his position. By analysing some problems the author underlines the prominence of the developments in the Republic of Armenia and Europe that are little known to the lawmaking and law enforcing authorities or underestimated by them in the long term perspective.


1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicente Navarro

This paper presents an analysis and critique of the U.S. government's current emphasis on human rights; and (a) its limited focus on only some civil and political components of the original U.N. Declaration of Human Rights, and (b) its disregard for economic and social rights such as the rights to work, fair wages, health, education, and social security. The paper discusses the reasons for that limited focus and argues that, contrary to what is widely presented in the media and academe: (1) civil and political rights are highly restricted in the U.S.; (2) those rights are further restricted in the U.S. when analyzed in their social and economic dimensions; (3) civil and political rights are not independent of but rather intrinsically related to and dependent on the existence of socioeconomic rights; (4) the definition of the nature and extension of human rights in their civil, political, social, and economic dimensions is not universal, but rather depends on the pattern of economic and political power relations particular to each society; and (5) the pattern of power relations in the U.S. society and the western system of power, based on the right to individual property and its concomitant class structure and relations, is incompatible with the full realization of human rights in their economic, social, political, and civil dimensions. This paper further indicates that U.S. financial and corporate capital, through its overwhelming influence over the organs of political power in the U.S. and over international bodies and agencies, is primarily responsible for the denial of the human rights of the U.S. population and many populations throughout the world as well.


1997 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 399-420 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Neil MacFarlane

FOR SOME YEARS NOW, WESTERN ACADEMICS AND POLICY-MAKERS HAVE embraced the cause of democratic reform in Central and Eastern Europe. To take but one well-known example, President Clinton in the 1994 State of the Union Address cited the absence of war among democracies as a reason for promotion of democracy around the world. Assistance to former Warsaw Pact and newly independent states has been made conditional to varying degrees on the acceptance of democratic change. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the European Union, the United States Agency for International Development and associated non-governmental organizations have unleashed armies of promoters of democracy throughout the region to: observe elections; monitor human rights; draft new constitutions and laws defending civil and political rights; train judges and police personnel; and organize and assist political parties, media and non-governmental pressure groups. In short, they have sought to transplant the fabric of civil society and democratic institutions. These armies have landed on terrain often quite foreign to them and have often displayed little sensitivity to the social, economic and political context in which they are operating. This may have contributed to results other than those intended.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (14) ◽  
pp. 7886
Author(s):  
Pavel Kotlán ◽  
Alena Kozlová ◽  
Zuzana Machová

Establishing criminal liability for environmental offences remains daunting, particularly with regard to the ‘no plaintiff—no judge’ element as a result of which the public seems to be ultimately deprived of the possibility to participate in criminal environmental proceedings. While there is arguably a lack of specific instruments at the European Union (EU) level which would prescribe such legal obligation on the part of the State, there has been a shift in understanding the role of the public and its participation in criminal liability cases, namely under the auspices of the so-called effective investigation and the concept of rights of victims in general. Using the example of the Czech Republic as a point of reference, this article aims to assess the relevant legal developments at both EU and Czech levels to illustrate why the non-governmental organizations (NGOs), essentially acting as public agents, should be granted an active role in environmental criminal proceedings. After examining the applicable legal framework and case law development, the article concludes that effective investigation indeed stands as a valid legal basis for human rights protection which incorporates an entitlement to public participation. Despite that, this pro-active shift is far from being applied in practice, implying that the legislation remains silent where it should be the loudest, and causing unsustainable behaviour of companies.


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