scholarly journals Can Regional Gender Ideologies Account for Variation of Gender Pay Gaps? The Case of Germany

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (9) ◽  
pp. 347
Author(s):  
Maik Hamjediers

While research often invokes gender disparities in wage-determining characteristics to explain gender pay gaps, why these gender disparities and gender pay gaps vary across contexts has received less attention. Therefore, I analyze how subnational gender ideologies predict gender pay gaps in two ways: as directly affecting gender pay gaps and as indirectly predicting gender pay gaps through intermediate gender disparities in determinants of wage. The analyses are based on German survey data (SOEP 2014–2018) supplemented with regional-level statistics. First, I leverage regional differences in predictors of gender ideologies to estimate region-specific gender ideologies. Mapping these gender ideologies across Germany reveals substantial regional variation. Second, multi-level models provide region-specific gender disparities in wage determinants and gender pay gaps. Results reveal that traditional gender ideologies are associated with women gaining less labor market experience and working less often in full-time jobs or supervising positions. In addition to this indirect association, gender ideologies directly predict the extent of adjusted gender pay gaps. These associations contribute novel evidence on regional variation of gender ideologies and how they can underlie explanations often invoked for gender pay gaps.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maik Hamjediers

Research often invokes gender disparities in wage-determining characteristics to explain gender pay gaps. However, the to extent to which these gender disparities and gender pay gaps vary across contexts has received less attention. Therefore, I analyze how regional gender ideologies predict gender pay gaps in two ways: As directly affecting gender pay gaps and as indirectly predicting gender pay gaps through intermediate gender disparities in wage-determinants. The analyses are based on German survey data (SOEP 2014-2018) supplemented with regional-level statistics. First, I leverage regional differences in predictors of gender ideologies to estimate region-specific gender ideologies. Mapping these gender ideologies across Germany reveals substantial regional variation, which exceeds the known difference between East and Western Germany. Second, multi-level models provide region-specific gender disparities in wage-determinants and gender pay gaps. They show that in regions where traditional gender ideologies are wide-spread, women have less labor market experience and are less likely to work full-time or in supervising positions. Traditional gender ideologies thereby indirectly contribute to a higher gender pay gap by inducing gender disparities in labor market outcomes.Even after accounting for such disparities in wage-determinants, a considerable gender pay gap persists in regions with relatively more traditional gender ideologies. This points to a direct effect of gender ideologies on adjusted gender pay gaps which might base on gender ideologies inducing women’s pay discrimination or gender-divergent wage expectations and negotiations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 627-639
Author(s):  
Lise Widding Isaksen ◽  
Mariya Bikova

This article explores the complexities and ambiguities in Norwegian families’ interaction with the public childcare system. Public childcare is a cornerstone in the ‘double dividend’, that is, social policies that equalize children’s life chances and support gender equality. The dual earner/dual carer family model interacts with full-time participation in the labour market, gender equality at home and universal access to childcare, and has made contemporary childhood multi-local and mobile. As part of their everyday organization of care, parents have to establish connections between home, work and childcare. Here, we use the concept of ‘care loops’ to analyse how local families ‘do’ combinations of welfare services, family resources, gender ideologies and the labour of migrant care workers. Drawing on empirical research on migrant care workers in Norwegian families and discussing recent studies of majority families’ care practices, the article discusses the paradox that egalitarian norms and ideals might generate extra workloads that in turn create demands for migrant care workers and trigger geopolitical inequality.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cassandra A. Bailey ◽  
Betsy E. Galicia ◽  
Kalin Z. Salinas ◽  
Melissa Briones ◽  
Sheila Hugo ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Erick Guerrero ◽  
Hortensia Amaro ◽  
Yinfei Kong ◽  
Tenie Khachikian ◽  
Jeanne C. Marsh

Abstract Background In the United States, the high dropout rate (75%) in opioid use disorder (OUD) treatment among women and racial/ethnic minorities calls for understanding factors that contribute to making progress in treatment. Whereas counseling and medication for OUD (MOUD, e.g. methadone, buprenorphine, naltrexone) is considered the gold standard of care in substance use disorder (SUD) treatment, many individuals with OUD receive either counseling or methadone-only services. This study evaluates gender disparities in treatment plan progress in methadone- compared to counseling-based programs in one of the largest SUD treatment systems in the United States. Methods Multi-year and multi-level (treatment program and client-level) data were analyzed using the Integrated Substance Abuse Treatment to Eliminate Disparities (iSATed) dataset collected in Los Angeles County, California. The sample consisted of 4 waves: 2011 (66 SUD programs, 1035 clients), 2013 (77 SUD programs, 3686 clients), 2015 (75 SUD programs, 4626 clients), and 2017 (69 SUD programs, 4106 clients). We conducted two multi-level negative binomial regressions, one per each outcome (1) making progress towards completing treatment plan, and (2) completing treatment plan. We included outpatient clients discharged on each of the years of the study (over 95% of all clients) and accounted for demographics, wave, homelessness and prior treatment episodes, as well as clients clustered within programs. Results We detected gender differences in two treatment outcomes (progress and completion) considering two outpatient program service types (MOUD-methadone vs. counseling). Clients who received methadone vs. counseling had lower odds of completing their treatment plan (OR = 0.366; 95% CI = 0.163, 0.821). Female clients receiving methadone had lower odds of both making progress (OR = 0.668; 95% CI = 0.481, 0.929) and completing their treatment plan (OR = 0.666; 95% CI = 0.485, 0.916) compared to male clients and receiving counseling. Latina clients had lower odds of completing their treatment plan (OR = 0.617; 95% CI = 0.408, 0.934) compared with non-Latina clients. Conclusions Clients receiving methadone, the most common and highly effective MOUD in reducing opioid use, were less likely to make progress towards or complete their treatment plan than those receiving counseling. Women, and in particular those identified as Latinas, were least likely to benefit from methadone-based programs. These findings have implications for health policy and program design that consider the need for comprehensive and culturally responsive services in methadone-based programs to improve outpatient treatment outcomes among women.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
E Reissell ◽  
S Lumme ◽  
M Satokangas ◽  
K Manderbacka

Abstract Background Timely primary percutaneous coronary intervention (PCI) is currently the treatment of choice for ST-elevation myocardial infarction (STEMI). Although cardiac units were established in all central hospitals in late 1990s for sparsely populated Finland, studies have shown that regional variation has increased. Additionally, the dense Finnish hospital network includes non-cardiac facilities where patients may be inappropriately admitted and then transferred for PCI. We aim to investigate the current regional differences in receiving timely PCI, determinants of these variations and the effect of hospital transfers. Methods Finnish Hospital Discharge Register data on PCIs for STEMI patients in 2015-17 were linked to register data on socio-demographics. In these preliminary analyses we used logistic regression modelling. Results Our results suggest that there were significant regional differences both for timely PCI in STEMI patients and in the probability of hospital transfers during an episode of care. The regional odds ratios (OR) for receiving PCI on time varied from 0.41 (95% confidence interval 0.33-0.52) to 2.73 (2.09-3.57) compared with the capital region when controlling for age, gender and hospital transfers. The ORs for being transferred during an episode of care varied from 0.26 (0.15-0.44) to 16.6 (11.6-23.6). Patients not transferred were more likely to receive PCI (OR 1.89 (1.67-2.15)). Men received PCI on time more often (OR 1.31 (1.18-1.46)) and women were more likely to be transferred (OR 1.29 (1.15-1.45)). Conclusions The probability for receiving PCI on time was related to the size of the hospital's population base and academic affiliation and inversely to transfers between hospitals. Hospital transfers during care episode and atypical symptoms often seen in women may cause critical delays for PCI. Other determinants for variation of timely PCI and its effects on equity will be analysed using multilevel modelling. Key messages Appropriate care for STEMI varies across regions and reflects inept practices in provider network. These findings are more pronounced in women showing persisting gender-related inequity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003335492110181
Author(s):  
Richard J. Martino ◽  
Kristen D. Krause ◽  
Marybec Griffin ◽  
Caleb LoSchiavo ◽  
Camilla Comer-Carruthers ◽  
...  

Objectives Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or queer and questioning (LGBTQ+) people and populations face myriad health disparities that are likely to be evident during the COVID-19 pandemic. The objectives of our study were to describe patterns of COVID-19 testing among LGBTQ+ people and to differentiate rates of COVID-19 testing and test results by sociodemographic characteristics. Methods Participants residing in the United States and US territories (N = 1090) aged ≥18 completed an internet-based survey from May through July 2020 that assessed COVID-19 testing and test results and sociodemographic characteristics, including sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI). We analyzed data on receipt and results of polymerase chain reaction (PCR) and antibody testing for SARS-CoV-2 and symptoms of COVID-19 in relation to sociodemographic characteristics. Results Of the 1090 participants, 182 (16.7%) received a PCR test; of these, 16 (8.8%) had a positive test result. Of the 124 (11.4%) who received an antibody test, 45 (36.3%) had antibodies. Rates of PCR testing were higher among participants who were non–US-born (25.4%) versus US-born (16.3%) and employed full-time or part-time (18.5%) versus unemployed (10.8%). Antibody testing rates were higher among gay cisgender men (17.2%) versus other SOGI groups, non–US-born (25.4%) versus US-born participants, employed (12.6%) versus unemployed participants, and participants residing in the Northeast (20.0%) versus other regions. Among SOGI groups with sufficient cell sizes (n > 10), positive PCR results were highest among cisgender gay men (16.1%). Conclusions The differential patterns of testing and positivity, particularly among gay men in our sample, confirm the need to create COVID-19 public health messaging and programming that attend to the LGBTQ+ population.


10.1068/a3781 ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 441-461 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda McDowell ◽  
Diane Perrons ◽  
Colette Fagan ◽  
Kath Ray ◽  
Kevin Ward

In this paper we examine the relationships between class and gender in the context of current debates about economic change in Greater London. It is a common contention of the global city thesis that new patterns of inequality and class polarisation are apparent as the expansion of high-status employment brings in its wake rising employment in low-status, poorly paid ‘servicing’ occupations. Whereas urban theorists tend to ignore gender divisions, feminist scholars have argued that new class and income inequalities are opening up between women as growing numbers of highly credentialised women enter full-time, permanent employment and others are restricted to casualised, low-paid work. However, it is also argued that working women's interests coincide because of their continued responsibility for domestic obligations and still-evident gender discrimination in the labour market. In this paper we counterpose these debates, assessing the consequences for income inequality, for patterns of childcare and for work–life balance policies of rising rates of labour-market participation among women in Greater London. We conclude by outlining a new research agenda.


2011 ◽  
Vol 84 (3) ◽  
pp. 246-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carey E. Cooper ◽  
Cynthia A. Osborne ◽  
Audrey N. Beck ◽  
Sara S. McLanahan

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (01) ◽  
pp. 80-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosie Campbell ◽  
Silvia Erzeel

This contribution to the Special Issue on Gender and Conservatism uses expert and election surveys to explore the extent to which the feminist or traditional gender ideology of parties of the right relates to their economic and liberal/authoritarian ideology. We show that although parties of the left generally espouse more feminist ideologies than parties of the right, there are a significant number of rightist parties in Western Europe that combine laissez-faire economic values with liberal feminist ideals. That said, there is more homogeneity among parties of the populist radical right than rightist parties more generally. We find that despite some variation in their gender ideology, parties of the populist radical right overwhelmingly—with the exception of one party in the Netherlands—continue to adopt traditional or antifeminist gender ideologies. In terms of attracting women voters, we find that rightist parties who adopt a feminist gender ideology are able to attract more women voters than other parties of the right. We detect several examples of center-right parties that include feminist elements in their gender ideologies and are able to win over larger proportions of women voters than rightist parties that fail to adopt feminist positions.


Diabetes ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 70 (Supplement 1) ◽  
pp. 584-P
Author(s):  
JACLYNN M. HAWKINS ◽  
NIKOLAS J. KOSCIELNIAK ◽  
ROBIN NWANKWO ◽  
MARTHA M. FUNNELL ◽  
KATHERINE A. KLOSS ◽  
...  

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