scholarly journals Rethinking the role of underground political work in the struggle for the liberation of Mozambique, late 1950s- 1970s

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 390-415
Author(s):  
Alda Romão Saúte Saíde

Studies on underground (or clandestine forms of political struggle) remain largely unknown with just a few of them published. The study focuses on underground political work in southern Mozambique from the 1950s to the 1970s. The main argument that the study seeks to make is that despite the intensification of colonial exploitation for the benefit of the Portuguese capital, violent repression, imprison and systematic denial of the exercise of political rights for most of the Mozambican people, the people of southern Mozambique had already a period of active underground political growth, inspired by the international political environment (decolonization process after World War II) and after connected to FRELIMO and its platform.  Small cells, mostly connecting educated, assimilated people, civil servants, artists, writers, painters, self-employed and workers developed underground activities ranging from the political task of organization, to political awareness, propaganda and spying, to the military task of recruitment for training abroad and to provide the military. Therefore, they countered Portuguese state propaganda and articulated an alternative political agenda. The underground political work had connections and continuity with other forms of struggle, such as with the colonial resistance of the 1950s and the FRELIMO struggle. The study combines primary and secondary written materials and oral accounts with underground political activists/militants.   

Author(s):  
Eric Schickler

This chapter explores the deepening and consolidation of ideological changes as support for civil rights became a defining commitment of a more robust liberal coalition in the 1940s. African American movement activists capitalized on the World War II crisis to force new civil rights issues onto the political agenda—such as fair employment practices and discrimination in the military—and to forge a much broader civil rights coalition. After the war, continued movement activism laid the groundwork for the dramatic fight over the Democratic platform at the convention in 1948. Ultimately, the political work by African American groups, in cooperation with the Congress of Industrial Organizations and other urban liberals, fostered a new understanding of “liberalism” in which support for civil rights was a key marker of one's identity as a liberal.


Author(s):  
Steffen Hantke

During the 1950s and early 1960s, the American film industry produced a distinct cycle of films situated on the boundary between horror and science fiction. Using the familiar imagery of science fiction, the vast majority of these films subscribed to the effects and aesthetics of horror film, anticipating the dystopian turn of many science fiction films to come. These films often evinced paranoia, unease, fear, shock, and disgust. Not only did these movies address technophobia and its psychological, social, and cultural corollaries, they also returned persistently to the military as a source of character, setting, and conflict. Commensurate with a state of perpetual mobilization, the US military comes across as an inescapable presence in American life. Regardless of their genre, this book argues that these films have long been understood as allegories of the Cold War. They register anxieties about two major issues of the time: atomic technologies, especially the testing and use of nuclear weapons, as well as communist aggression and/or subversion. Setting out to question, expand, and correct this critical argument, the book follows shifts and adjustments prompted by recent scholarly work into the technological, political, and social history of America in the 1950s. Based on this revised historical understanding, science fiction films appear in a new light as they reflect on the troubled memories of World War II, the emergence of the military-industrial complex, the postwar rewriting of the American landscape, and the relative insignificance of catastrophic nuclear war compared to America's involvement in postcolonial conflicts around the globe.


2008 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Wilson

AbstractThe 1950s in Japan are usually considered to be marked by pacifism or a “victim consciousness” related to World War II, together with a rejection of war and of the military. Yet attention to the popular press and other sources designed to reflect and appeal to a mass audience, rather than magazines carrying debates among intellectuals, shows that throughout the 1950s the recent war was a much more dynamic issue than typically has been recognized, and that former soldiers were far from universally reviled. Connections with the war, in turn, remained an integral part of the evolving sense of nation in Japan. This article examines the vitality of the war as a major and direct theme in political, social and cultural discourse in the 1950s, focusing on soldiers' involvement in politics, issues relating to Class B and C war criminals, films about the war, and the emergence of a new cultural hero in the form of Kaji, the soldier who is the central figure in the novel and film The Human Condition.


Author(s):  
Paul Kubicek

Since its establishment in 1923, the Republic of Turkey has struggled to establish a stable, well-functioning democratic system. Turkey’s founding leader, Mustafa Kemal—who was given the name “Atatürk” (father of all Turks) in 1934—adopted many reforms to modernize and Westernize the country. However, during most of Kemal’s rule (r. 1923–1938), Turkey was a single-party regime in which political opposition was very circumscribed and repressed. Although Turkey did formally democratize after World War II, its democracy has been interrupted by several military interventions and beset with numerous problems, including restrictions on civil and political rights, closures of political parties, and political violence. Although outright authoritarianism has been the exception rather than the rule since the 1940s, many Turkish governments have exhibited authoritarian tendencies, and institutions have been created to give non-elected actors—in particular, the military—an important role in political life. Those challenging the secular, unitary nature of the state—e.g., Islamic-oriented political parties and Kurdish movements—have been repressed. In the early 2000s, the governing Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP), or Justice and Development Party, launched a series of reforms that pushed Turkey in a more democratic direction. However, in the 2010s, many began to believe Turkish democracy was again under assault, evidenced in an erosion of checks and balances and rule of law, a crackdown on the media, and use of anti-terror laws to repress dissent. By most accounts, the situation has deteriorated after a failed coup attempt in 2016, which was followed by dismissals and arrests of tens of thousands of people, declaration of a state of emergency, and constitutional changes that create a more centralized presidential system. The literature on Turkish politics is frequently periodized, meaning that the emphasis on democratization or the (re)emergence of authoritarianism is often a reflection of contemporary events. Whereas much of the work on Turkish politics in the first years of the republic acknowledged its single-party, authoritarian nature, the emphasis in later years often was more on the hopes and shortcomings of democratization, with attention given to various authoritarian features as opposed to an institutionalized authoritarian system. Studies of the AKP, in particular, are subject to periodization, with initial assessments of its policies grounded more on its democratization and later works focusing much more on its authoritarian turn.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emad Khamis Hamza ◽  
Ali Hussein Ali Saed

The outbreak of World War II in September 1939 had a negative impact not only on the European continent, but also most of the countries of Asia and Africa. Iraq was affected because of its political and economic association with the British government, which was one of the parties involved in that war. The Iraqi and British governments had signed a treaty concerning their political, economic and military relationship on 30 June 1930. It came into force after the end of the mandate and the entry of Iraq League of Nations in 1932, but that the treaty was only a new framework for the continuation of the British occupation. The situation was exacerbated when the military became the helm of the government after the 1936 coup led by Bakr Sidqi, which caused much anxiety within the British government and the strained relations between it and the Iraqi government despite the British recognition of the coup government. These tensions became more evident when World War II broke out. At this point, the British government demanded that Iraq abide by the provisions of the 1930 Treaty by declaring war on Germany. However, the Iraqi government. In addition to the severing of diplomatic relations, the tension between the British and Iraqi governments were intensified by Italy’s entry into the war with Germany. Iraq refused to sever its diplomatic relations with Germany, but allowed the Italian government to open an embassy in Baghdad, which Britain considered an act of hostility. Military operations between the Iraqi and British armies continued throughout May 1941, known to the historical sources as ‘the movement of Mayes’ or ‘the revolt of Rashid Ali Kilani’ or ‘the Iraq war the British second’. The Dulaim brigade and nearby villages were involved in the greatest share of those clashes, which left material and human destruction on the people of the judiciary in particular, and the Dulaim brigade and Iraq in general. This ended with the occupation of Fallujah by British forces on the 19th of May 1941. It is useful to consider the position of Falluja in the context of the military battles that took place between the Iraqi and British armies during this period. The study is divided into four subjects .the first subject was titled as ”the British- Iraqi treaties until 1930”. It deals with most important provisions of the treaty, which became controversial. The second subject was ”Falluja and preliminaries of May’s Movement” clarifies the British government’s request, under the terms of the 1930 treaty, that Iraq declare war on the Axis countries headed by Germany. This request was rejected by the Iraqi government. In particular, this segment considers events after Rashid Ali al-Kilani became prime minister and the anti-British military leaders took control of Iraq, as well as the military and political preparations taken by the Iraqi and British governments throughout April 1941. This study also explores their impact on the situation in the Fallujah district, which forms the third segment, titled “Fallujah and the Second Iraqi- British War”. This section explores the most important battles occuring in the lands of Fallujah district, and the role of the people of the judiciary in supporting The Iraqi army against the British forces, which prompted the latter to take revenge on them after occupying the center of killing and sabotage on the nineteenth of May 1941, Atanih than the recent push to revenge them after the occupation of the district center of death and destruction on the 19th of May 1941, and the steps that were taken after a full occupation of the land district of Fallujah until the entry of British troops to Baghdad on the fifth of June of the same year. Keywords: Fallujah, Documentary, Movement, May, Position


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gunnar Thorvaldsen

This article studies the stories of Russian citizens who were born in Germany but reside in Russia. Most of them had relocated to Russia as a result of the withdrawal of Russian troops from Germany after 1990. Analysing individual data from the 2002 and 2010 censuses, the author traces the lives of children born into the families of Soviet military men based in East Germany after World War II. Over 140,000 such migrants can be found in the 2002 census, far more than from any other country that was not part of the Soviet Union. Repatriation was accomplished from 1991 to 1994; and even though Germany financed part of the operation, it was necessary to solve the problems of accommodation and employment of the military men and their families locally. As a result of the study, the author manages to determine the territories inhabited by Russians born in Germany in the early twenty-first century. The number of people among them who speak foreign languages and have post-secondary education is higher than average, which testifies to the fact that the joint effort of the two countries was more beneficial for the future of the people born in Germany than might have been expected. The competence and education they acquired, together with the social networks between those repatriated, added significantly to their human capital and their contributions to Russian society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Veera Kinnunen

The reconstruction of Lapland after World War II did not mean merely restoring the pre-war infrastructure and buildings; Lapland was both reconstructed and built afresh at the same time. Reconstruction was viewed by planners and architects as an inspiring challenge to modernise the devastated areas. Lapland region was considered a real-life laboratory for arranging novel ways for “living, moving and working”. Almost all the rapids of Finland´s longest river, the Kemijoki, were harnessed during the 1950s and 1960s. The construction of hydropower plants changed both the mental and physical landscape of Northern Finland in ways that were not anticipated in the planning stage of the projects. One of the rapids harnessed on the Kemijoki River was Pirttikoski. During the construction years (1955-1959) the population of Pirttikoski grew from zero to almost 4000. In this article I will discuss the kinds of modernising influences that the construction of the power plants introduced into the culture and everyday lives of the people living in the region, asking what was the ethos of regional planning articulated in the planning of both the community and the region. I will further explore what was the anticipated future society that the designers of Lapland regional plan in the 1950s were pursuing. In this article the village of Pirttikoski serves as a model community in two ways. Firstly, Pirttikoski was originally designed as an experimental model community for creating solutions for future power plant construction site communities. Secondly, it is a model village of my study, a micro case from which I will examine the process of designing a regional plan for Lapland in the 1950s.    


Author(s):  
Arianna Lissoni

Launched in 1961 by leaders of the African National Congress (ANC) of South Africa and the South African Communist Party (SACP), Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) was the military wing of the ANC until its disbandment in 1993. The initial stage of MK’s armed struggle involved sabotage against government installations and other symbols of the apartheid regime by a small group of operatives. Under increasing repression by the apartheid state, and thanks to the support received from African and socialist countries, MK adopted a strategy of guerrilla warfare as armed struggle assumed an increasingly central role in the liberation struggle, although the military was understood as an extension of political work, that is, linked to the reinvigoration of political struggle and organizations. Geopolitical constraints prevented MK from waging a conventional guerrilla war, and from the 1970s MK adjusted its strategy by turning to armed propaganda and people’s war. While debates on the role of MK in South Africa’s liberation are often reduced to the relative success or failure of military strategy and action, the history of MK remains a sensitive topic post-apartheid, carrying significant weight both symbolically and in the lives of thousands of people who served in its ranks, including women, who joined and participated in MK throughout the three decades of its existence.


2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth A. Wood

AbstractBy making World War II a personal event and also a sacred one, Vladimir Putin has created a myth and a ritual that elevates him personally, uniting Russia (at least theoretically) and showing him as the natural hero-leader, the warrior who is personally associated with defending the Motherland. Several settings illustrate this personal performance of memory: Putin's meetings with veterans, his narration of his own family's sufferings in the Leningrad blockade, his visits to churches associated with the war, his participation in parades and the creation of new uniforms, and his creation of a girls' school that continues the military tradition. In each of these settings Putin demonstrates a connection to the war and to Russia's greatness as dutiful son meeting with his elders, as legitimate son of Leningrad, and as father to a new generation of girls associated with the military. Each setting helps to reinforce a masculine image of Putin as a ruler who is both autocrat and a man of the people.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 72
Author(s):  
Yordan Gunawan ◽  
Muhammad Nur Rifqi Amirullah ◽  
Vensky Ghaniiyyu Putri Permana ◽  
Mohammad Hazyar Arumbinang

The paper aims to examine the position of international law against violence committed by the Myanmar military known as Tatmadaw, against Myanmar which held anti-coup demonstrations in Myanmar. The research used the normative legal research method, with the main source of data collection of legal material containing normative law. The results showed that Myanmar is one of the countries in Southeast Asia whose government has been dominated by the military. In early 2021, the Tatmadaw staged a coup against Myanmar's President Aung San Suu Kyi. The tragedy began in the 2020 elections, in which the National Democratic League (NLD) was elected as the majority to sit in Myanmar's parliament. However, Tatmadaw could have no election results and no coup. Burmese, who did not support a coup by Myanmar's military, made a massive dip in the streets. Tatmadaw performs violent acts for action until 2019. However, from the direction of the protesters, some protesters became victims of violence by the Tatmadaw. It reflects the restrictions on the freedom of speech of the People of Myanmar. Free speech is an important right of the People of Myanmar to be part of the good Human Rights face-to-face by international law through arbitrary ministers by the Tatmadaw. The Tatmadaw's acts of violence against Myanmar violate human rights set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in articles 19 and 29. In addition, freedom of speech is also governed by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in article 19.


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