Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK): The ANC’s Armed Wing, 1961–1993

Author(s):  
Arianna Lissoni

Launched in 1961 by leaders of the African National Congress (ANC) of South Africa and the South African Communist Party (SACP), Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) was the military wing of the ANC until its disbandment in 1993. The initial stage of MK’s armed struggle involved sabotage against government installations and other symbols of the apartheid regime by a small group of operatives. Under increasing repression by the apartheid state, and thanks to the support received from African and socialist countries, MK adopted a strategy of guerrilla warfare as armed struggle assumed an increasingly central role in the liberation struggle, although the military was understood as an extension of political work, that is, linked to the reinvigoration of political struggle and organizations. Geopolitical constraints prevented MK from waging a conventional guerrilla war, and from the 1970s MK adjusted its strategy by turning to armed propaganda and people’s war. While debates on the role of MK in South Africa’s liberation are often reduced to the relative success or failure of military strategy and action, the history of MK remains a sensitive topic post-apartheid, carrying significant weight both symbolically and in the lives of thousands of people who served in its ranks, including women, who joined and participated in MK throughout the three decades of its existence.

Author(s):  
Thula Simpson

This chapter looks at the history of the armed struggles waged by South Africa’s liberation movements between 1960 and 1990. Among the organisations considered are the African National Congress (ANC), the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC), the National Committee of Liberation/Armed Resistance Movement (NCL/ARM), the Yu Chi Chan Club, and the Black Consciousness Movement, along with their military offshoots Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), Poqo, the Azanian People’s Liberation Army (APLA), the Azanian National Liberation Army (AZANLA) and others. The respective insurgencies are considered individually and comparatively, focusing on the tactical and strategic approaches adopted by the movements. The military methods employed by the organisations included sabotage, insurrection, guerrilla warfare and conventional conflict. The choices that they made regarding strategies and tactics were influenced by demographic, geographic, political and socio-economic considerations. But in addition to these South African factors, geopolitics also influenced the scope and intensity of armed resistance. This was because for the greater part of the period considered in the chapter, the organisations were movements-in-exile. Accordingly, their access to training, weapons, camps and infiltration routes was dependent on external goodwill. Operations within South Africa had to take cognisance of this external feature. The chapter concludes with a consideration of the process of the integration of the guerrilla armies into South Africa’s new national defence force after 1990.


Author(s):  
Maria Kurbak

After the victory of the National Party (NP) in the 1948 elections and the establishment of the apartheid regime in South Africa, politics and culture were subordinated to one main goal – the preservation and protection of Afrikaners as an ethnic minority. Since 1954, the government headed by Prime Minister D. F. Malan had begun implementing measures restricting freedom of speech and creating “literary police”. In 1956 the Commission of Inquiry into “Undesirable Publications” headed by Geoffrey Cronje was created. In his works, Cronje justified the concept of the Afrikaners’ existence as a separate nation, with its own language, culture, and mores. Cronje considered the protection of “blood purity” and prohibition of mixing, both physically and culturally, with “non-whites” as the highest value for Afrikaners. The proposals of the “Cronje Commission” were met with hostility not only by political opponents but also by Afrikaner intellectuals One of Cronje's most ardent opponents was the famous poet N.P. Van Wyk Louw. Yet, the creation of a full-fledged censorship system began with the coming into power of the government headed by Prime Minister H. Verwoerd, who took a course to tighten racial laws and control over publications. 1960 became the turning point in the relationship between the government and the South African intelligentsia. After the shooting of the peaceful demonstrations in Sharpeville and Langa, the NP declared a state of emergency, banned the activity of the Communist Party and the African National Congress (ANC), and apartheid opponents turned to a military struggle. The political struggle against censorship became more difficult during the armed stand-off between the apartheid loyalists and the NP deposition supporters. The transition to the military struggle was an important force for the radicalization of the intellectuals and the appearance of the “literary protest” and “black voices”. The time for negotiations and searching for compromises was over.


Author(s):  
Oksana Babenko ◽  

The review presents new publications on the Belarusian and the Polish historiographies of the history of the late Imperial Russia and the Soviet State. Such problems as the number and conditions of detention of foreign prisoners of war in the Belarusian territories of the Russian Empire during the First World War, the influence of the military conflicts of 1914-1921 on the identity of the inhabitants of the Belarusian lands, the initial stage of the formation of academic science in the BSSR, the question of the «invasion» of Poland by the Red Army in September 1939 are highlighted.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 390-415
Author(s):  
Alda Romão Saúte Saíde

Studies on underground (or clandestine forms of political struggle) remain largely unknown with just a few of them published. The study focuses on underground political work in southern Mozambique from the 1950s to the 1970s. The main argument that the study seeks to make is that despite the intensification of colonial exploitation for the benefit of the Portuguese capital, violent repression, imprison and systematic denial of the exercise of political rights for most of the Mozambican people, the people of southern Mozambique had already a period of active underground political growth, inspired by the international political environment (decolonization process after World War II) and after connected to FRELIMO and its platform.  Small cells, mostly connecting educated, assimilated people, civil servants, artists, writers, painters, self-employed and workers developed underground activities ranging from the political task of organization, to political awareness, propaganda and spying, to the military task of recruitment for training abroad and to provide the military. Therefore, they countered Portuguese state propaganda and articulated an alternative political agenda. The underground political work had connections and continuity with other forms of struggle, such as with the colonial resistance of the 1950s and the FRELIMO struggle. The study combines primary and secondary written materials and oral accounts with underground political activists/militants.   


Author(s):  
Colin Bundy

The African National Congress (ANC) operated in exile for just over three decades, from 1960 to mid-1990. It developed from a flimsy and inexperienced “external mission” to an exiled organization caring for thousands of full-time members and maintaining an army, Umkontho weSizwe (MK), which by the 1980s numbered about 5000 soldiers. Based predominantly in Tanzania, Zambia, and Angola (though with members and offices in many other countries), the exiled movement established schools, hospitals, farms, and factories; it published and broadcast energetically; it lobbied for international support and established a diplomatic presence in dozens of countries. By the late 1980s, it was clear to the apartheid regime that it could not defeat or ignore the ANC but must enter negotiations with the organization. Equally, it was clear to the exiled leadership of the ANC that armed struggle relying on Soviet bloc funding was no longer feasible. Negotiations, and not military victory or seizure of power, was the only available option. The ANC was pushed to the brink of survival but recovered, cohered, and regrouped, especially after 1976 when its membership and influence increased substantially. By 1990, through a combination of popular support inside South Africa and international solidarity, the ANC was swept to the status of government-in-waiting. Yet the exile experience was by no means an uninterrupted success story. The organization was variously beset by factionalism, rank-and-file disquiet, security failings, and an armed wing that saw little armed action. The ANC’s exile experience has generated controversy: over its relations with the South African Communist Party in exile; its human rights record, especially in the MK camps; and a political culture shaped by secrecy, militarism, and hierarchy. The “reinvention” of the organization in exile was a striking achievement—and it came at a cost.


2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lesiba T. Leta

The demolition of Sophiatown, Cato Manor, District Six and other areas under the apartheid regime hugely impacted the socio-economic lives of various South Africans (particularly those people classified as non-whites). The classification of South African cosmopolitan townships as slums according to the Slums Act of 1934, and the ambitions of achieving social segregation, resulted in the geographical separation of races facilitated by the Group Areas Act of 1950. The act legally justified the forced removal of Indian families from Sophiatown. Then, they were temporarily placed in a military base next to Lenasia. Through the use of oral interviews, this article interrogates the unknown history of the Indian families in their transitional period from Sophiatown to Ammunition Depot 91 (also referred to as the ‘military camp/military base’ in Lenasia). Furthermore, the article sheds light on their untold experiences; particularly on the arrival of Indian families in the military camp, their living conditions, health-related matters, the utilisation of coping mechanisms such as religion and recreational activities, perceptions about their stay, effects on transportation and their general experiences in the transition camp. The article accentuates the rapid nature of these removals particularly in Sophiatown which resulted in the lack of adequate alternative accommodation for the Indian residents.Contribution: The article offers fresh perspectives for deeper interrogation of the consequences of forced removals in apartheid South Africa, by reflecting on the memories and lived experiences of interviewees in a case study that has hitherto not been addressed by social historians.


2016 ◽  
pp. 291-308
Author(s):  
Lorena Guerrero ◽  
José Alejandro Cifuentes

El siguiente artículo abarca los aspectos políticos durante el régimen militar de Gustavo Rojas Pinilla como contexto de la prensa producida por el Partido Comunista Colombiano. Se analiza la revista Documentos Políticos del Partido Comunista de Colombia, por ser un ejemplo de oposición ante aquel periodo antidemocrático. Es así como, mediante un recorrido histórico de aquel periodo, en el que las libertades democráticas fueron restringidas, podemos dar a conocer el trabajo intelectual y político de un grupo de la izquierda colombiana. Además, resaltamos el carácter testimonial de esta publicación a la hora de abordar una historia de la izquierda en Colombia, y más concretamente una historia del Partido Comunista en la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Palabras claves: prensa, izquierda, revista comunista, oposición al Régimen militar, comunistas   Abstract Alternative and Leftist Press: The Case of the Magazine Documentos Políticos in the Final Period of La Violencia The following article covers the political aspects during the military regime of Gustavo Rojas Pinilla, as a context to the press produced by the Colombian Communist Party. It analyzes the magazine Documentos Políticos (Political Papers) published by the Communist Party of Colombia, since it is an example of opposition to that antidemocratic period. Thus, by means of a systematic historical approach of that period, in which democratic freedoms were restricted, we can better understand the intellectual and political work of a group of the Colombian left. Furthermore, we highlight the testimonial character of this publication when addressing the history of the left in Colombia, and more specifically the history of the Communist Party in the second half of the twentieth century. Key words: Press, the left, communist magazine, opposition to the military regime, communist


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 30-52
Author(s):  
Janaína de Almeida Teles

The Araguaia guerrilla war (1972–1974) was an attempt to reconcile armed struggle and political awareness that became a sort of “guerrilla focus” with roots in the peasant population, which assumed a decisive role in the resistance to military repression. This period was characterized by the centralization of operations of information and repression, consolidating the tactic of “political disappearance” in Brazil. The military occupation terrorized the population to mitigate any multiplier effect of the insurgency, and its success reverberated throughout the continent. At the same time, denunciations of its human rights abuses helped to erode the dictatorship. A guerrilha do Araguaia (1972–1974) representou um esforço para reconciliar a luta armada e a consciência política que se tornou uma espécie de foco de guerrilha com raízes na população campesina, que por sua vez desempenhou papel decisivo na resistência à opressão militar. Esse período caracterizou-se pela centralização das operações de informação e repressão, consolidando a tática de “desaparecimento político” no Brasil. A ocupação militar aterrorizou a população com o propósito de reduzir a possibilidade de insurgência e nesse sentido alcançou sucesso que reverberou por todo continente. Contudo, denúncias das violações de direitos humanos contribuíram para a erosão da ditadura.


1996 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 931-943 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen MacKinnon

There is a striking disconnect between the imaginative range of interests which preoccupy historians of World Wars I and II in Europe and North America and the much more narrow political concerns of China historians working on the Sino-Japanese War of 1937–45. Since Jacoby and White'sThunder Out of China(1946) and Chalmers Johnson'sPeasant Nationalism(1966), Western historiography on the Sino-Japanese War has focused not on the war itself but on the continuing political struggle for supremacy between the Communists and Nationalists. The war is seen as the key to the eventual triumph of the Communists over Chiang Kaishek's Nationalists by 1949. Other issues like the military history of the war itself or its long-term impact on Chinese society and culture have received scant attention.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-56
Author(s):  
Leszek Pawlikowicz

The Russian intervention in Syria has been the first act of a considerable scale since 1991 of a direct involvement of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation in a military conflict on a territory not included in the former Soviet Union. At the same time, it became the first operation in the history of the Russian Federation (and formerly the USSR) in which a leading role – both in the composition of the military contingent addressed there, as well as in relation to the results of actions – played the air force. This publication focuses on the genesis and the different phases of the engagement of combat aircraft of the mentioned type of armed forces in the initial stage of Russian intervention, as well as an attempt to assess the reasons for the exceptional effectiveness of the operation on the course of the entire war.


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