scholarly journals Social factors of overcoming the divergence of economies of Ukraine and the EU: trends and challenges for the national governance

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (20) ◽  
pp. 5-17
Author(s):  
Igor Piliaiev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Inclusion ◽  
Action Plan ◽  
Interdisciplinary Approach ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Economic Modernization ◽  
The Eu

The article applies synergistic interdisciplinary approach to the analysis of problems of divergence in the economies of Ukraine and the EU, to evaluate the present state and key problems of implementing the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU in terms of the socio-economic modernization of this country. The thesis about slow, partial (only in certain segments), unsystematic overcoming of divergent trends by Ukraine, which appeared in the first years after signing the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement, is substantiated. In particular, there are clear trends of divergence between Ukraine and the EU in the areas of social development, personal security, rule of law, some civil and political rights and freedoms, which is primarily due to insufficient effectiveness of European integration reforms, lack of consensus in the political elite and society with regard to "Road map" of modernization, consequences of Russian aggression and the ongoing armed conflict in the east of Ukraine. At the same time, moderate convergence trends in areas such as social inclusion and innovation have been identified. It is proved that Ukraine still has a strong social foundation for economic modernization breakthrough. In terms of social parameters, Ukrainian society is significantly more powerful than the modern Ukrainian economy from the viewpoint of meeting basic human needs, social components of the quality of life and healthy environment. In particular, in terms of the level and dynamics of innovation, Ukraine is ahead of all post-Soviet member states of the Eastern Partnership and even Romania as an EU member state. It is argued that the Ukrainian Government still monitors mainly the formal fulfilment of the Action Plan оn implementation of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union and its member states for the years 2018–2024 without analyzing the Action Plan's impact on the institutional effectiveness and indicators of Ukraineʼs socio-economic development. Under such conditions, certain indicators of the Action Plan implementation may give a misconception about the real dynamics of the convergence / divergence process of Ukraine and the EU. This requires improved strategic monitoring of the implementation of the Association Agreement.

Poland and the European Union

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ireneusz Paweł Karolewski ◽  
Maciej Wilga
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Eastern Bloc ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Eu Foreign Policy ◽  
Membership Application ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
Council Presidency ◽  
The Eu

Multifaceted in its character, the relationship between Poland and the European Union is now more than a quarter of a century old. After the breakdown of the Eastern bloc, Poland signed the Association Agreement with the then European Communities in December 1991, which led up to an EU membership application three years later. Not yet a member, the country had some impact on the Union in the Nice Treaty negotiations (2000–2001), as well as on the European Constitutional Convention proceedings (2001–2003). After a successful EU membership referendum in 2003, reflecting a great deal of societal support, Poland, along with nine other newcomers, became a fully-fledged member of the EU. Once within the bloc, Warsaw was at pains to develop a more coherent EU policy, as it often changed its positions between more collaborative approaches and veto threats, but also absolving a successful rotating EU Council presidency in 2011. The country collaborated with other member states in Central and Eastern Europe—in the Visegrád framework and with the older member states—through the Weimar Triangle, for example, however with sometimes mixed results. Poland has prioritized a number of issues in the EU such as the energy sector, security and defense, and the Eastern partnership, the latter focusing on the EU Eastern neighbors, including Ukraine and Belarus. In particular, during the Ukraine-Russia conflict of 2014–2015, Poland was one of most active actors in the EU foreign policy. However, since 2015 Poland has become a subject of controversy within the EU, regarding the rule of law standards that were criticized by the European Commission and Warsaw’s rejection of a relocation scheme in the EU refugee and migrant policy.

scholarly journals The EU-Eastern Partnership Countries: Association Agreements and Transdisciplinarity in Studies, Training and Research

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-149
Author(s):  
Tatyana Muravska ◽  
Alexandre Berlin
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Comparative Approach ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Eastern Partnership ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Eastern Partnership Countries ◽  
European Union Studies ◽  
The Eu

Abstract The European Union (EU) signed Association Agreements on 27 June 2014 with Georgia, the Republic of Moldova, and Ukraine. The Association Agreement (AA) is the EU’s main instrument to bring the countries in the Eastern Partnership (EaP) closer to EU standards and norms. For the citizens of the EaP countries to benefit from these agreements, a more in-depth knowledge of the EU and the EU Member States is required to be reflected in a comparative approach to European Union studies. We examine these implications on the need to expand and adapt, the content and approach to research and teaching European Union studies, with the transdisciplinary approach becoming increasingly dominant, becoming a modern tool for research in social sciences. This contribution aims to offer insight into the implementation of transdisciplinarity in the methodology of education and research as it is determined by current increasing global challenges. This approach should serve as a means of integrating a number of main goals as part of learning, teaching and research processes: strengthening employability of young people and preparing them for citizenship. We discuss the need for modernizing European studies in the EU Member States that could serve as an example for the EU Eastern Partnership countries. We conclude that the theoretical approach to European and related studies of other disciplines and their practical implications should always be transdisciplinary in nature and benefit from direct in-situ exposure and should be fully integrated in university curricula

scholarly journals EUROPEAN COMMON AVIATION AREA: AVIATION LIBERALISATION AND UKRAINE’S ACCESSION PROCESS

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 149-163
Author(s):  
Kateryna Vodolaskova
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Market Access ◽  
Action Plan ◽  
Civil Aviation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Strategic Development ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Priority Task ◽  
Traffic Organization ◽  
The Eu

The signing of the Common Aviation Area (CAA) Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union (EU) is one of the priority task on the agenda in Ukraine. The implementation of the CAA Agreement is envisaged in the Association Agreement (2014) between the EU and Ukraine, the Action Plan of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine (CMU) and the Strategic Development Plan of the aviation transport. Despite of the officially announced readiness of the Ukrainian side, the signing of the CAA Agreement has been postponed since 2013. Investigation of the external and internal problems for the integration of Ukraine into the CAA creates the topicality of this paper and leads to the purpose of the article. Purpose of the article is comprehensive study of the legal basis and background of ECAA, analyzing the neighborhood policies and hence, the determination of the main directions of incorporation of the EU civil aviation requirements and standards regarding market access, air traffic organization, flight safety, the environment and other issues in Ukraine’s legislation. The article is based on usage of the general and special-legal scientific methods of cognition, as well as formal legal and dialectical approaches. Legal basement of this work, in particular, consists of: a) the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU of 2014; b) National Program of Adaptation of the Legislation of Ukraine to the Legislation of the European Union (adopted by the Law of Ukraine on November 04, 2018, № 2581-VIII); c) the Strategic Plan for the Development of Air Transport (adopted by the Ministry of Infrastructure of Ukraine on December 21, 2015, Decree № 546) and d) the Action Plan to Prepare for the Introduction of a CAA of Ukraine with the EU and its Member States (adopted by the CMU on February 8, 2017, Order № 88-o) and other regulations. Results of the paper include the conceptual theoretic investigation to reveal external and internal problems on the way to the Ukraine’s integration into the CAA of the EU, practical recommendations for the process of approximation of Ukraine's legislation to the EU’s standards, and contribute to the liberalization of regulation of international air services.

scholarly journals The formation of interstate and cross-border scientific-educational and innovative spaces between Ukraine and the European Union member states in the digital economy

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 48-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Viacheslav Lyashenko ◽  
Iryna Pidorycheva
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Union Member ◽  
Economic Benefits ◽  
High Tech ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
European Union Member States ◽  
The Eu

By signing the Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine, Ukraine has demonstrated its intention and willingness to integrate into the system of formal institutions of the EU, to adopt the EU rules, norms, and practices, which will enable Ukraine to achieve significant economic benefits. One of those benefits is the opportunity to build a true scientific-educational and innovative partnership with the EU Member States within the European Research Area. This study considers opportunities and perspectives of creating an interstate and cross-border scientific-educational and innovative spaces between Ukraine as an associated country and the European Union Member States taking into account key priorities of the ERA and rapidly growing impact of digital technologies. Particular attention has been given to the establishment of a common Polish-Ukrainian scientific-educational space which could be complemented by the entrepreneurial component. The article has identified opportunities, existing prerequisites, directions, and priorities for building Polish-Ukrainian spaces. It has also defined the challenges of formation the European interstate and cross-border scientific-educational and innovative spaces as a whole. It has been suggested to develop hereinafter an interstate and cross-border high-tech clusters based on the interstate and cross-border scientific-educational and innovative spaces. The scheme and the main steps of formation a cross-border cluster of nano- and biotechnologies are proposed.

scholarly journals The Main Problems in the Relations Between the European Union and Turkey

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-169
Author(s):  
Guranda Chelidze ◽  
◽  
Elisabed Machitidze ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Economic Developments ◽  
The Eu

This paper depicts the dynamics of the EU-Turkey relations beginning from the signing of the association agreement, i.e. the Ankara contract, to date. In addition, it aims to specify the factors preventing the bilateral collaboration and achievement of EU membership as aspired to by Ankara. The paper focuses on both the internal and international problems arising on Turkey’s path to EU membership, namely, the westernisation trend originating from Kemal Ataturk times, recent developments in Turkey, the democratisation of political institutions, the rule of law and protection of human rights, regional security, Turkey’s part in the refugee crisis, visafree travel, Greek-Turkey relationships, Ankara’s stance towards Cyprus, the Kurdish problem, and the Turkey-US and Turkey-Russia relationships. The authors discuss the EU Member States’ attitude towards the political and socio-economic developments in Turkey and the way Ankara looks at the requirements put forward by those Member States. We suggest several methods of rapprochement and brighter bilateral prospects.

The Rights of Turkish Immigrants in the European Union

1998 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 369-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
Eu Law ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Turkish Immigrants ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Turkish Migrants ◽  
Legal Frameworks ◽  
Domestic Law ◽  
The Eu

AbstractThe main purpose of this article is to provide a framework of international legal conventions which may amount to an 'umbrella regime' for EU member states as regards their treatment of Turkish migrants, thus supplementing the protection already available in domestic law. To this end, the study pulls together analyses of relevant parts of international and supra-national law within the context of Turkish migrants in Europe which are applicable in protecting the rights of immigrants. In particular, the Ankara Association Agreement of 1963 and its components have put Turkish migrants in a more favourable position than most of the other non-EU migrants, hence creating a sort of 'intermediate' regime for them. The study has confirmed that the developments under the EU law have remained and will remain the main source of progress as far as the rights of Turkish migrants are concerned. Nevertheless, it also draws attention to a significant counter effect of such positive developments; that is, the danger of unwillingness on the part of the EU member states to enlarge the scope of the rights granted to Turkish immigrants under the above-mentioned legal frameworks.

scholarly journals Legal significance of the decisions of the court of the European Union concerning the application of commonwealth energy legislation in the energy sphere by other states-participants and issue on the use of such decisions by the courts of Ukraine in the resolution of relevant disputes

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maryna Semenova
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Eu Law ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Legal Form ◽  
Member States ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
European Court ◽  
Energy Community ◽  
The Eu

Problem setting. The Court of the European Union is a central term, which characterizes the entire court system of the European Union, which, without a doubt, includes three lanes: the Court of Justice, the Zagalny Court and special judges. Such an institute is aimed at accepting new acts of legal form and legal significance, and the very decision, the decision of the institution. The acceptance of such acts is a manifestation of the implementation of the judicial competence of the named institution, however, the link with the system is determined by the following: which may be the reason for the nature of precedent practice; both the established stench for the use of the Court itself by the Court of Justice itself, as well as by the other institutions, which have been approved by Article 13 of the Treaty on the European Union; what is the decision of the Court EU norms of law EU. Analysis of the meaningful nutrition is the subject of a complete dosage. Analysis of recent researches and publications. The legal meaning of the decision to the Court of the European Union and the possibility of implementing such decisions before the legislation of Ukraine. Target of research is to examine the status of decisions of the Court of Justice of the European Union as a precedent. Article’s main body. The research is devoted to the analysis of the legal significance of the decisions of the Court of Justice of the European Union on the application of acts of the legislation of the Energy Community in the field of energy by the courts of Ukraine in resolving relevant disputes. It is noted that the Court of Justice of the EU is a judicial institution of another legal order, an international organization – the European Union, whose practice is fundamental to the development of the rule of law in the European Union. However, it is stated that the national courts of the EU member states are tasked with the daily application of EU law in accordance with the principles of supremacy, direct action and responsibility of member states for compliance with EU law. It is established that the legal basis for the functioning of the electricity market is the Constitution of Ukraine, special laws, international treaties of Ukraine, approved by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, and other legislation of Ukraine, according to which the subjects of power and courts In applying the provisions of this Law, the law enforcement practice of the Energy Community and the European Union shall be taken into account, in particular decisions of the Court of Justice of the European Union (European Court of Justice, General Court), the European Commission and the Energy Community Secretariat. Conclusions and prospects for the development. A systematic analysis of the norms of national and international law allows us to conclude that the provisions of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU are part of the national legislation of Ukraine, its provisions are mandatory and binding throughout Ukraine. Therefore, the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union is applicable to the courts of Ukraine in resolving disputes concerning the application of energy legislation in the field of energy by other member states in full in the same manner as for the application of European Court of Human Rights.

scholarly journals A PROMETHEE MCDM Application in Social Inclusion: The Case of Foreign-Born Population in the EU

Systems ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Anastasia Blouchoutzi ◽  
Dimitra Manou ◽  
Jason Papathanasiou
Keyword(s):  
Social Exclusion ◽  
Social Inclusion ◽  
Policy Outcomes ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Foreign Born ◽  
Integration Policy ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Migrant Integration ◽  
The Eu

Since the migrant surge in 2015, social inclusion has become a crucial issue to be addressed effectively by the European Union, given that 39% of the population born outside of the EU member states faces the risk of poverty or social exclusion. Adding to that, the COVID-19 pandemic has severely affected migrant households worldwide, rendering migrant integration an urgent matter for national governments. Discrimination, racism, xenophobia, and radicalization are all societal threats emerging in periods of massive migrant flows and need appropriate policy measures to be employed in migrant host countries to tackle them. This paper suggests the integration of a multiple criteria decision analysis method, namely PROMETHEE, for policy making with regard to migrant social exclusion. In light of previous research findings and the recent release of the Migrant Integration Policy Index 2020, the authors argue that the method proposed could help policy makers to evaluate the effectiveness of the implemented policies, spot the discrepancies between policies and policy outcomes, and motivate knowledge sharing among the EU member states. The findings include a ten-year comparative list of the EU member states (2010–2019) driven by social inclusion indicators for the foreign-born (non-EU-born) population. The results are rather sensitive to changes in the data utilized but they provide an overall comparative picture of social inclusion policy effectiveness in the EU during the past decade.

scholarly journals The EU Charter of Rights and Brexit Effect on the Implementation of Economic and Social Rights among EU Member States

Laws ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Nirmala Pillay
Keyword(s):  
Social Consequences ◽  
Regulatory Regime ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Economic Rights ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Social ◽  
Civil And Political Rights ◽  
The Eu

This article examines the extent to which the inclusion of the European Union (EU) Charter of Rights and Fundamental Freedoms in the Treaty of Lisbon which gives legal force to socio-economic rights as well as civil and political rights,conomic will succeed in helping EU member states meet international treaty obligations to implement socio-economic rights. Will the EU’s renewed commitment to developing the social sphere, post-Brexit, be more successful and will British citizens lose out on socio-economic rights in the long term if the EU succeeds in creating a better social or public dimension? Member states of the EU that have ratified the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) have obligations to progressively realise economic, social and cultural (ESC) rights. Progress on this has been slow and potentially made more difficult by the economic direction adopted by the EU since the 1980s. Although the EU, from the beginning, saw itself as a “social market” it struggled to embed the “social” to the same extent that it embedded the “market”. Critics argue that the economic policies of the EU and key judgements of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) successfully dis-embedded the market from its social context. Additionally, the regulatory regime of the EU developed in a direction that limited the capacity of nation states to ameliorate the consequences of market-led policies for the least advantaged. However, the Charter of Rights, which places socio-economic rights on an equal footing with civil and political rights, is a novel and bold initiative. It has stimulated debate on whether the Charter could rebalance the EU’s economic agenda by paying attention to the social consequences of predominantly market-led policies. This paper examines the potential impact of the EU Charter, in the context of member states international human rights obligations, to create an environment where member states of the EU have fewer obstacles to the “progressive realization” of ESC rights.

scholarly journals The Limits of EUropean Legitimacy: On Populism and Technocracy. Introduction to the Special Issue

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell Foster ◽  
Jan Grzymski ◽  
Monika Brusenbauch Meislová
Keyword(s):  
Sovereign Debt ◽  
Interdisciplinary Approach ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Member States ◽  
New Era ◽  
Security Challenges ◽  
A Site ◽  
The Eu

This article introduces the special issue on populism and technocracy in the integration and governance of the European Union (EU), framing these opposing approaches in the context of polarised debate on the (il)legitimacy of the EU. The special issue was conceived as an interdisciplinary approach to questions of the EU’s legitimacy in the aftermath of structural crises (the eurozone, sovereign debt and the election and appointment of governing agents) and spontaneous crises (migration, external state and non-state security challenges, Brexit and Euroscepticism). Since the special issue’s conception the unanticipated Covid-19 pandemic, and responses from the EU and its member states (current and former) starkly illuminated debates on how the EU should operate, the limits of its power and the limits of its popular legitimacy. The era of passive consensus has been replaced by claims of legitimacy based on active expert-informed intervention, alongside populist claims of the EU’s inherent illegitimacy as an undemocratic technocracy. As such the special issue’s objective is to critically analyse manifold ways in which the populist-technocratic divide is narrated and performed in different regions, disciplines, and social and political systems in an era of growing internal and external challenges to the Union. We observe that the EU’s institutions remain highly adaptable in responding to challenges, but that member-states have continued and accelerated a tendency to nationalise success and Europeanise failure, with the EU acting as a perennial scapegoat largely due to the ease with which it can be narrated as a site of projection for mistrust, resentment, and social grievances. We argue that the relationship between populism and technocracy is rapidly evolving from an imagined binary into a much more fluid, overlapping, and reversible set of political narratives. We conclude that despite the changing nature of populist-technocratic debates and the resilience and adaptability of the EU, it faces accelerating challenges to its legitimacy in the new era of ‘politics of necessity’.

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