Institutional Development for Realization of ASEAN Political Security Community : Focusing on regional security cooperation

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 95-118
Author(s):  
Sook-Youn Lee
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-32
Author(s):  
Calvin Calvin

INDONESIAN   Hadirnya COVID-19 menyebabkan kerugian yang sangat besar dalam berbagai aspek kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Salah satu aspek yang dimaksud adalah aspek keamanan negara, terutama di ASEAN. Hingga kini, belum ditemukan vaksin yang dapat sepenuhnya menyembuhkan COVID-19. Sehingga, tujuan dari penulisan ini adalah untuk mengetahui apa saja upaya penanganan yang telah dilakukan oleh negara-negara di kawasan Asia Tenggara dalam aspek keamanan negara, dan untuk mengetahui upaya yang dilakukan menurut ASEAN Political-Security Community. Peneliti menggunakan metode penelitian yuridis-normatif yang meneliti peraturan perundang-undangan, sumber hukum internasional, doktrin, literatur, dan media lainnya. Berdasarkan dari hasil penelitian yang telah dilakukan, anggota ASEAN telah mengeluarkan berbagai kebijakan dalam upaya penanganan COVID-19 seperti: travel ban, social distancing/ physical distancing, dan lockdown. Selain itu, upaya penanganan yang telah dilakukan oleh ASEAN Political-Security Community bersifat soft law.  Maka, diperlukannya itikad baik dan pengedepanan prinsip penanganan bersama dari anggota ASEAN dalam menjalankan isi dari pertemuan tersebut. ENGLISH The presence of COVID-19, caused enourmous losses to the society and nation in various aspects of life. One aspect which is meant is state security especially in ASEAN. Speaking of the present, no antidote has been completely found to cure COVID-19. This paper is made to find out what effort has been done by South East Asia countries in the aspect of state security, and to find out what effort has been done by ASEAN Political-Security Community. The author uses juridical-normative research method, which the author did the research based on national and international instruments of law, doctrines, literature and other medias. Based on the research results, ASEAN members  has issued various policies in purpose to deal with COVID-19 such as: travel ban, social distancing/ physical distancing, and lockdown. Furthermore, all efforts made by ASEAN Political-Security Community are categorized as soft law. Therefore, it requires good faith and prioritizing the principle of shared responsibility from the members in order to carrying out the contents of the meeting.


2021 ◽  
pp. 58-77
Author(s):  
Kwei-Bo Huang

ObjectivesTo figure out whether adaptation – specifically, Ernst B. Hass’ incremental growth model – is able to account for institutional changes of ASEAN in the shape of the ASEAN Political-Security Community (APSC).MethodsUse Ernst Hass' theoretical arguments and propositions to examine some of ASEAN's internal and external factors that have an impact on the discussion, planning, and implementation of the APSC. Three variables -- the types of knowledge used by ASEAN leaders in making choices, their political objectives, as well as the manner in which issues being negotiated -- are found in historical documents and academic analyses and then operationalized in a simpler way.ResultsThe selection of the incremental growth model is justified and the incremental growth model can serve as an innovative analytical framework for the institutional change in ASEAN.ConclusionsASEAN is in a dynamic context where increased expectations and pressure from within and outside are taking place all at once. The institutionalization of ASEAN security arrangements, originally led by the initiation of the ASC/APSC, means that ASEAN has started facing these expectations and pressure and moved on to enhance security cooperation to a certain degree. It is time for students of international relations to apply again the previous finding of adaptation through incremental growth and conduct further field investigations into the current evolution of the APSC.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 135
Author(s):  
Juniar Laraswanda Umagapi

<p align="center"><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>This article tries to elaborate the impact for the cooperation between ASEAN-Russia in economic and political security. How the ways to increase their bilateral relations and bring positive impacts for both countries. ASEAN is often regarded as the paragon case of successful regional security cooperation and attributes its achievement to economy, social—cultural and political-security. In the recent years, ASEAN try to create many external relations with another country and Russia is one of them. ASEAN want to make a mutual relationship with others and solve the regional issue happen in many countries. Economy and political security will be the main issue for this cooperation. ASEAN and Russia start their bilateral relation for a long time ago but economic relations like trade is still low but they try hard to progress. After ASEAN summit 2016 in Sochi, Russia on 19-21 May a lot of agreement have been signed and people looking forward for the impact of this partnership.</p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>: ASEAN; strategic partnership; security; economy; political; ASEAN-Russia Summit 2016; sochi</p><p align="center"><em><strong>Abstrak</strong></em></p><p><em>Artikel ini mencoba untuk menguraikan dampak kerjasama antara ASEAN-Rusia dalam bidang keamanan ,ekonomi dan politik. Bagaimana cara meningkatkan hubungan bilateral antar kedua negara dan membawa dampak positif bagi kedua negara. ASEAN sering dianggap sebagai kasus paragon dari suksesnya kerjasama keamanan regional dan memberikan kontribusi prestasinya di bidang ekonomi, sosial budaya dan keamanan politik. Dalam beberapa tahun terakhir, ASEAN mencoba menciptakan banyak hubungan eksternal dengan negara lain dan Rusia adalah salah satunya. ASEAN ingin menjalin hubungan timbal balik dengan negara-negara lain dan memecahkan masalah regional yang terjadi di banyak negara. Ekonomi dan keamanan politik akan menjadi isu utama untuk kerja sama ini. ASEAN dan Rusia memulai hubungan bilateral mereka untuk waktu yang lama namun hubungan ekonomi seperti perdagangan masih rendah karena itu mereka berusaha keras untuk berkembang. Setelah KTT ASEAN 2016 di Sochi, Rusia pada tanggal 19-21 Mei banyak kesepakatan telah ditandatangani dan banyak pihak menantikan dampak dari kemitraan ini.</em></p><p><em><strong>Kata Kunci</strong></em><em>: ASEAN; kemitraan strategis; keamanan; ekonomi: politik; KTT ASEAN-Rusia 2016; sochi</em></p>


Author(s):  
Karsten Friis

Abstract How can we best analyze security subregions? The most commonly used theory of regional security in the discipline of international relations, the regional security complex theory, focuses on large regions, such as Europe, Asia, or the Middle East. It pays less attention to smaller regions within these. This is unfortunate, because the security dynamics of these subregions often are a result of more than their place in the larger region. At the same time, the security of subregions cannot be reduced to a function of the policies of the states comprising them either. In short, security subregions are a level of analysis in their own right, with their own material, ideational, economic, and political dynamics. To capture and understand this, we need an analytical framework that can be applied to security regions irrespective of where and when in time they occur. The aim of this article is to offer such an analytical framework that helps us theorize the forces forging regional security cooperation, by combining external push and pull forces with internal forces of pull and resistance. The utility of the framework is illustrated through the case of Nordic security cooperation. It allows for a systematic mapping of the driving forces behind it and the negative forces resisting it. The Nordic region thus becomes a meeting point between global and national forces, pushing and pulling in different directions, with Nordic Defense Cooperation being formed in the squeeze between them. Extrait Comment pouvons-nous analyser au mieux les sous-régions de sécurité? La théorie de sécurité régionale la plus communément exploitée dans la discipline des relations internationales, celle du complexe de sécurité régionale, se concentre sur de grandes régions, telles que l'Europe, l'Asie ou le Moyen-Orient. Elle accorde moins d'attention aux plus petites régions qui les constituent. Cela est regrettable, car les dynamiques de sécurité de ces sous-régions résultent souvent de bien d'autres facteurs que leur place dans la région. Dans le même temps, la sécurité des sous-régions ne peut pas non plus être réduite à une fonction des politiques des États qui les composent. En bref, les sous-régions de sécurité sont un niveau d'analyse à part entière, avec ses propres dynamiques matérielles, idéationnelles, économiques et politiques. Pour capturer et comprendre cela, nous avons besoin d'un cadre analytique pouvant être appliqué aux régions de sécurité, quels que soient le moment et le lieu où elles interviennent. Le but de cet article est de proposer un tel cadre analytique qui nous aide à théoriser les forces forgeant la coopération régionale de sécurité en alliant des forces externes de poussée et de traction à des forces internes de traction et de résistance. L'utilité de ce cadre est illustrée par le cas de la coopération de sécurité nordique. Il permet une cartographie systématique des forces motrices sur lesquelles elle repose et des forces négatives qui y résistent. La région nordique devient ainsi un point de rencontre entre forces nationales et internationales qui poussent et tirent dans différentes directions, la coopération de défense nordique se formant dans l'intervalle ainsi constitué. Resumen ¿Cuál es la mejor forma de analizar las subregiones de seguridad? La teoría sobre seguridad regional de uso generalizado en la disciplina de relaciones internacionales, la llamada Teoría de Complejos de Seguridad Regional, se centra principalmente en grandes regiones como Europa, Asia y el Medio Oriente y presta menos atención a regiones más pequeñas dentro ellas. Este aspecto es desafortunado, ya que la dinámica de seguridad de estas subregiones suele ser el resultado de otros factores además del lugar que ocupan dentro de estas regiones más grandes. Asimismo, la seguridad subregional tampoco puede reducirse a una función de las políticas de los estados que integran. En conclusión, las subregiones de seguridad merecen un nivel de análisis propio, con sus propias dinámicas materiales, conceptuales, económicas y políticas. Para captar y comprender esto, es necesario un marco analítico que pueda aplicarse a regiones de seguridad independientemente del lugar y el momento en el que suceden. Este artículo tiene como objetivo ofrecer ese marco analítico que ayude a teorizar los factores que forjan la cooperación de seguridad nacional al combinar factores externos de tensión y conciliación con factores internos de conciliación y resistencia. La utilidad del marco se explica a través del caso de la cooperación de seguridad nórdica. Permite realizar un mapeo sistemático de los factores subyacentes de impulso y los factores negativos de resistencia. La región nórdica, por tanto, se convierte en un punto de encuentro de los factores internacionales y nacionales de tensión y conciliación en distintas direcciones, y en el cual que se forma la cooperación nórdica de defensa.


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