scholarly journals Pakistan Chronicle

1997 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 106-109
Author(s):  
U.A.B. Razia Akter Banu

The book Pakistan Chronicle--authored by Morrice James, who had twentyyears of experience in South Asia, of which nine years were in Pakistan asdeputy and head of the United Kingdom's diplomatic mission-may not be anexcellent academic research document, but it deserves credit for certain merits.The psychoanalyses and behavioral studies of some Pakistani military and politicalelite, especially Ayub, Bhutto, and Zia, are some of the book's outstandingcontributions. The book contains excellent discussions on different pacts andtreaties Pakistan conducted, such as the Mutual Assistance Pact with the UnitedStates (1954), the Indus Water Treaty (1960), the Tashkent Declaration (1966);the crises Pakistan faced, such as the anti-Qadiani Riots in 1953, the Kashmir dispute, and the Bangladesh War in 1971; and the Afghan conflict that involvedthe two superpowers. In the 1960s. the author observed that India consideredKashmir an integral part of itself and nonnegotiable, and that position has notyet changed.As the British high commissioner, the author could give a firsthand descriptionof national and international forces that strained Pakistan’s relationship withthe West, especially Britain and America, and of how Pakistan gradually developeda pro-Chinese foreign policy ...

1991 ◽  
Vol 125 ◽  
pp. 55-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W. Garver

Chinese foreign policy is typically a complex mix of bilateral, regional and global considerations shaped by the perceptions and domestic political concerns of various participants in China's decision-making process. One significant factor shaping Chinese foreign policy over the past decade which has not been given adequate attention is Chinese consideration of South Asia, and especially India. India's size, substantial aggregate national power, central geographic position in South Asia, prominent role in the Third World/Non-Aligned Movement, and the determination of its leaders to establish India as the pre-eminent power in South Asia, have given India significant weight in Chinese foreign policy calculations. This includes, I will argue, Beijing's calculations regarding China's relations with the Soviet Union and the United States.


1986 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 235-241
Author(s):  
J. D. Armstrong

If Churchill's aphorism about Russia being ‘a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma’ was an apt formulation of Western puzzlement about that nation, several further layers of obfuscation would be required accurately to depict Western perceptions of China. Since 1949 a number of conflicting conceptions of China's nature and purpose have vied with each other to gain the allegiance of analysts, governments and the general public alike. There was, for too many years, the China of American demonology: aggressive, expansionist and cruel, conspiring with the USSR to bring about world domination, its implacable rulers brooding malevolently over their nation of docile ants. Even while this notion held centre stage, an alternative perspective was available from such eminent Sinologists as C. P. Fitzgerald and I. K. Fairbank: that China had not undergone such a dramatic metamorphosis under the communists as many believed but was still ‘eternal China’, reproducing the same age-old patterns of behaviour that had persisted with little change through many centuries, if not millennia. Then, during the 1960s a new image emerged: China the ultrarevolutionary power, itself engaged upon a process of radical transformation through the turbulence of the Cultural Revolution, while simultaneously acting as the principal inspiration of violent revolution elsewhere in the world. The Sino-American rapprochement soon produced an entirely different perspective: China was now a responsible great power, maintaining a global balance of power in accordance with the Nixon–Kissinger vision of international order.


Author(s):  
Paul R. Hensel

Territorial issues have been prominent causes of armed conflict and war in the modern era. This observation has led to a rapidly growing body of academic literature on the sources, management, and consequences of such issues. Although territory has gotten most of the scholarly attention, this literature has its roots in research on contentious issues that began in the 1960s. Academic research on contentious issues began with studies on issue areas in foreign policy analysis, focusing on such questions as how the foreign policy process differs from more traditional domestic policy processes. This line of research struggled to find mainstream acceptance until scholars began adopting a more substantive conception of issues, focusing on the nature of the values at stake. General patterns of foreign policy conflict and cooperation have been found to differ substantially across different issues. Importantly, territorial issues are the most frequent and most dangerous issues in armed conflict and war, leading scholars to focus much of their issue-related research on the dynamics of territorial contention. Research on territory has stemmed from the main elements of issues theory that were developed earlier: issue salience, or the importance of the issue under contention; issue context, or recent interactions over the same issue; and institutional context, or the extent to which other actors and institutions are able to influence contention over this type of issue. Armed conflict is much more likely when the issue at stake is more salient, particularly when this salience involves intangible dimensions such as the presence of a state’s ethnic kin in the claimed territory. Greater issue salience also increases the likelihood of peaceful negotiations and nonbinding conflict management techniques like mediation. A recent history of armed conflict or failed negotiations over an issue increases the likelihood of armed conflict, bilateral negotiations, and nonbinding management. The normative and institutional context also appears to affect the likelihood of conflict and peaceful management over issues, although more remains to be done in this area. The issues literature is beginning to make important strides beyond this initial work on territorial claim management. Scholars are beginning to geocode data on international borders, raising important potential benefits for the study of territory and perhaps other issues. International legal arguments appear to affect the management of territorial claims in systematic ways, and ending territorial claims seems to produce substantial improvements in relations between the former adversaries. The same general patterns seem to hold for river and maritime issues, as well as territorial issues, and these other issue types have more promising institutional contexts. Future research could benefit from considering additional issue types (including a recent effort to collect data on identity claims), as well as studying domestic and interstate issues.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (04) ◽  
pp. 46-59
Author(s):  
Antara Ghosal SINGH

South Asia has emerged as a “priority zone” for Chinese foreign policy with the highest density of early harvest projects under the Belt and Road Initiative and deepening Chinese engagements in realms beyond economics. Despite China’s growing presence in the region, there are few studies that track China’s internal discourse on the region, going beyond its targeted propaganda. Based on study of Chinese-language literature, this article aims to fill the knowledge gap in this domain and develop a basic framework depicting how China operates in South Asia as well as its mission and vision for the region.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (IV) ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Waseem Ishaque ◽  
Rizwana Karim Abbasi ◽  
Usha Rehman

South Asia has its geopolitical significance due to its proximity with the oil-rich Middle Eastern States, natural resourcerich Central Asia and economically developed states of South-East Asian States. South Asia has two nuclear states; Pakistan and India. Since the end of 2nd World War, the USA has been present which has provided stability to this region. The USA had extended its investment and aid to Pakistan in during cold war which had maintained a Balance of Power between India and Pakistan. U.S. articulated response against Soviet invasion in 1979 and later entered in Afghanistan in 2001 on the pretext of WoT. Chinese foreign policy has fostered stability in South Asian region. Through its "Win-Win" policy, China has very firm economic relations with all South Asian states. Through BRI, China wants economic prosperity in the South Asian region. In such environments, Pakistan must have to act pragmatically, avoiding zero-sum policy.


Author(s):  
Elsa Shirgazina

In the contemporary world using of rigid methods of external policy increasingly loses its effectiveness. The popular concept of "soft power" is fully consistent with China's traditional strategy towards the outside world and it has received here a comprehensive and specific implementation in the country's political course. Meanwhile, the official line on the development of friendly and good-neighborly relations in the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China was clearly outlined during the era of Deng Xiaoping's rule and has been consistently developing since then, receiving new impulses for this. A peaceful and stable environment is seen as one of the key conditions for the country's development. Taking into account the traditional competition between China and India, Beijing's success in maintaining bilateral relations with the countries of South Asia is of particular interest. The article examines the mechanisms of «soft power» used by the PRC in relation to the neighboring states of South Asia (Pakistan, India, Nepal and Bhutan) within the framework of Beijing's declared «good neighborhood diplomacy». The author analyzes its implementation by the cases of four areas of interaction: infrastructure construction, trade and investment, political contacts, humanitarian assistance and the spread of cultural influence. In each case, the Chinese policy towards Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan and India is sequentially examined, the most significant initiatives are explored, and the factors that hinder and help in the implementation of these initiatives are identified. The author comes to the conclusion that the very idea of «good neighborhood diplomacy» is rooted in the Chinese foreign policy tradition, but its implementation faces a number of both internal and external factors.


Author(s):  
Jean-Marc F. Blanchard

AbstractThis piece examines and critiques the massive literature on China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It details how research currently seems stuck on the road to nowhere. In addition, it identifies a number of the potholes that collective research endeavors are hitting such as that they are poorly synchronized. It also stresses that lines of analysis are proliferating rather than optimizing, with studies broadening in thematic coverage, rather than becoming deeper. It points out that BRI participants are regularly related to the role of a bit player in many analyses and research often is disconnected from other literatures. Among other things, this article recommends analysts focus on the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) or Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) in specific regions or countries. It also argues for a research core that focuses on the implementation issue (i.e., the issue of MSRI and SREB project implementation), project effects (i.e., the economic and political costs and benefits of projects), and the translation issue (i.e., the domestic and foreign policy effects of projects) and does work that goes beyond the usual suspects. On a related note, research need to identify, more precisely, participants and projects, undertake causal analysis, and take into account countervailing factors. Furthermore, studies need to make more extensive use of the Chinese foreign policy literature. Moreover, works examining subjects like soft power need to improve variable conceptualization and operationalization and deliver more nuanced analyses. Finally, studies, especially by area specialists, should take the area, not the China, perspective.


2021 ◽  
pp. 186810262110186
Author(s):  
Patrik Andersson

Research confirms that China is becoming more engaged in the Arctic. However, international relations scholarship often extrapolates from relatively few instances of activity to wide-ranging claims about Chinese priorities. Fortunately, Chinese political discourse is organised by labels that allow us to study how the Arctic is classified and ranked along China’s other foreign policy priorities. This article analyses two such classifications – “important maritime interest” and “strategic new frontier,” exploring how they have come about, what they mean, and how they add political priority to the Arctic. It argues that hierarchies are constructed in two ways: by adding gradients and by including/excluding categories of priority. It views categories as performative: they not only convey information about character and relative importance of interests but are also used for achieving different objectives. By focusing on foreign policy classifications, the article contributes to a more nuanced and precise understanding of China’s Arctic interests.


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