scholarly journals Islam in Southeast Asia

2007 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 116-118
Author(s):  
Timothy P. Daniels

This book is a revised version of the proceedings of a conference of the sametitle held in Singapore during 2002. The papers comprising this highly relevantand timely text cover topics from the history of Islam in Southeast Asiato Islamic doctrine, politics, civil society, gender, modernization, globalization,and the impact of 9/11. However, Islam and politics are the centralthemes, with special attention given to the challenges of the recent contextfor Southeast Asia’s Muslim-majority societies. As such, it is of interest toscholars of diverse fields, including history, political science, internationalrelations, religious studies, sociology, and anthropology.The introduction, “Understanding Political Islam Post-September 11,”criticizes the inequality and militarism of western-dominated globalizationand the violent responses of political Islam or radical Islamism. Clear definitionsof these pivotal terms used throughout the collection would sharpen theargument about the particular kind of political uses of Islam that the authorsview as a threat. The editors provide an adequate and enticing overview ofthis interesting collection of papers. However, it would be helpful toacknowledge that they focus on Malaysia and Indonesia, with the exceptionof one paper on the Philippines. Addressing the situation of Muslim minorities in the mainland Southeast Asian countries of Burma/Myanmar,Cambodia, Thailand, and Vietnam, where they live under the hegemony ofBuddhist or communist majorities, would add an important comparativedimension ...

Author(s):  
Mohamed Saleh

This chapter investigates a long-standing puzzle in the economic history of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region: why do MENA’s native non-Muslim minorities have better socioeconomic (SES) outcomes than the Muslim majority, both historically and today? Focusing on the case of Coptic Christians in Egypt, the largest non-Muslim minority in absolute number in the region, and employing a wide range of novel archival data sources, the chapter argues that Copts’ superior SES can be explained neither by Islam’s negative impact on Muslims’ SES (where Islam is defined as a set of beliefs or institutions) nor by colonization’s preferential treatment of Copts. Instead, the chapter traces the phenomenon to self-selection on SES during Egypt’s historical conversion from Coptic Christianity to Islam in the aftermath of the Arab Conquest of the then-Coptic Egypt in 641 CE. The argument is that the regressivity-in-income of the poll tax on non-Muslims (initially all Egyptians) that was imposed continuously from 641 to 1856 led to the shrinkage of (non-convert) Copts into a better-off minority. The Coptic-Muslim SES gap then persisted due to group restrictions on access to white-collar and artisanal skills. The chapter opens new areas of research on non-Muslim minorities in the MENA region and beyond.


Author(s):  
Anne Alexander

This essay explores some of the common patterns in the history of communism in Muslim-majority societies. The most important of these had little to with Islam. Rather, they reflected the impact of European imperialism and nationalist resistance, the uneven tempo of integration into the global economy, the timing of the anti-colonial revolutions and the location of the post-colonial regimes in the great games of geopolitics. However, the other side of this narrative is the interwoven story of the decline of communist movements in most Muslim-majority societies and the rise of their Islamist competitors. It is argued that this trajectory is best explained not by recourse to essentialist explanations about the appeal of Islamist politics to Muslim believers, but by the failures of the post-colonial states on which the communists had pinned their hopes for national liberation and non-capitalist development.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Carinnes P. Alejandria ◽  
Tisha Isabelle M. De Vergara ◽  
Karla Patricia M. Colmenar

AbstractThe practice of making and eating fertilized duck eggs is a widely known practice in Asia. In the Philippines, “balut” is a popularly known Filipino delicacy which is made by incubating duck eggs for about 18 days. However, criticisms against its authenticity and the unstable demand for balut in the market pose challenges to the development of the Philippine balut industry. Consequently, this research aims to trace the history of balut production and consumption in the Philippines by specifically looking into the following. First, it explores the factors that contribute to the discovery and patronage of balut. Second, it identifies the localities that popularized the balut industry. Third, this includes the key industries that started the large scale production of balut. Fourth, it discusses the local ways of balut-making practices in the country. Lastly, it also provides an account of the ways of balut consumption. Through content analysis of secondary data, this research argues that balut remains an authentic Filipino food despite shared patronage in several Asian countries through the localized meanings associated with its consumption, preparation, and distribution.


Itinerario ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-104
Author(s):  
Wu Zhisheng

Nanyang Research Institute (i.e. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) was founded in 1956. It is one of the earliest Chinese research institutes on international affairs. It focuses its attention on the politics, economy and history of Southeast Asian countries (particularly the five ASEAN countries - Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and the Philippines), as well as problems of overseas Chinese.


ICR Journal ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 370-398
Author(s):  
Wan Naim Wan Mansor

After inheriting a multicultural yet segmented society from its colonial legacy, identity politics has heavily influenced political Islam in Malaysia. Since then, identity politics has significantly shaped Malaysia's political dynamics, including in the bureaucratic and legal spheres. The Islamism espoused by the Malay Muslim majority is often intertwined with exclusivist ethno-religious considerations vis-a-vis the non-Muslim minorities (the Chinese and Indians). One of the most frequent manifestations of this political platform is the slogan ‘protecting Islam’ or ‘protecting religion’. This notion often finds itself at the centre of the Islamist discourse, especially in high-profile religious cases involving Muslims and non-Muslims. This paper intends to provide a descriptive analysis of ‘protecting Islam’ in the Malaysian context while also identifying key elements in its inner-workings. It will then proceed with a discussion of maqsad hifz al-din (the objective to preserve religion), a sub-topic in the overarching field of maqasid al-sharicah. This discussion will examine how this notion is understood within the Malaysian context, while also asking what the Shari’ah says about it, and what the gaps are between the two positions. Finally, the article will propose a theoretical framework for achieving an optimal Shari'ah-based policy response to the issues discussed. Possible real world applications in the Malaysian experience will also be explored.


2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kerstin Steiner

Islam plays a pivotal political role in Southeast Asian countries, where the governments that have ruled since independence have been concerned with influencing the trajectory, content, hermeneutic and style of the legal traditions of their Muslim citizens and reconciling them with the states’ wider policy objectives. This contribution looks at one particular tool for this form of ‘guiding’ Islam – the codification of Islam – comparing the codes in two Muslim-majority countries (Malaysia and Brunei) and two Muslim-minority countries (Singapore and the Philippines). Utilising comparative law methodologies, this article explores the structure, style and content of the codes in order to explicate their explicit and implied function. These codes are less concerned with being a statement of substantive Islamic law than with setting up a state-sanctioned bureaucracy for the administration of law for Muslims. These bureaucratic institutions were the key instruments for the states to develop their own brand of Islam. In doing so, the state's approach towards socially engineering Islam oscillates among appropriation, accommodation, control and subjugation of Islam in different political and legal frameworks.


2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-164
Author(s):  
Nancy A. Khalil

The International Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT) participated in the annualmeeting of the American Academy of Religion (AAR) in Atlanta, GA, heldNovember 21-24, 2015. In addition to the participation of staff and associatesin several meeting events and panels, IIIT maintained a book booth in the ExhibitHall, co-organized a panel on “Opportunities and Challenges of TeachingIslamic Studies in Theological Seminaries,” and held its second annual AARReception and Special Lecture.Offering a tribute to Ismail al-Faruqi (d. 1986), IIIT co-founder and cofounderof the AAR’s “Study of Islam” section, Abubaker Alshingieti (executivedirector, IIIT) and Ermin Sinanović (director of research, IIIT) expressedgreat pride in rekindling a stronger IIIT presence at the AAR by reviving thehistorical link established by al-Faruqi. Fittingly, John Esposito (GeorgetownUniversity), al-Faruqi’s first doctoral advisee, delivered the keynote speech:“Reflections on Political Islam: Concepts and Contexts.”An intellectual giant in his own right, Esposito presented a historicalanalysis of the rise of political Islam movements during the latter half of thetwentieth century through his individual interactions, appointments, and presencein spaces of influence at critical times. His keynote speech served bothas an intellectual analysis as well as a personal journey, full of spontaneouslysprinkled firsthand stories and narratives from private conversations. He emphasizedthe critical need to avoid ahistoric analyses of such movements andto resist symptomatic treatments that have become a popular approach bywestern governments blind to their own roles in such undesired behaviors andviolence.Referring to challenges like ISIS and youth radicalization, Esposito statedthat “unless you understand the context within which political Islam arose...:who were the players, what were the issues for these movements, and alsowhat their interactions were with government, you can’t understand why wecontinue to screw up today.” Making specific reference to recent governmentinitiatives on Countering Violent Extremism that are youth-centric and targetthe great role religion occupies in people’s lives, he reminded the audiencethat discounting a history of oppression by western-backed authoritarianregimes is a myopic perspective to the rise of radicalism.His speech spanned over fifty years of political history and Americaninvolvement in Muslim-majority nations with an emphasis on the Iranian ...


Author(s):  
Grote Rainer ◽  
Röder Tilmann

This introductory chapter begins with a brief history of constitution-making and constitutional reform in the Islamic world. It then describes the emergence of a new constitutional era in the Middle East and beyond following World War II, and the two trends that characterized the early post-independence period in most Islamic countries, which were also reflected in the new constitutions: nationalism and secularism. It also discusses the development of Islamic constitutionalism in various Islamic countries. The chapter then sets out the book's purpose, which is to analyze the impact of the rise of political Islam on the development of key constitutional concepts in Islamic countries, and the extent to which the notion of constitutionalism has been transformed in these countries as a result. This is followed by an overview of the five parts of the book.


Author(s):  
Uktam Mansurov ◽  

The article describes the history of trade relations of Central Asian countries with foreign countries in ancient and medieval times, the importance of the Great Silk Road, the impact of these relations on political, economic, diplomatic, ethnic and cultural relations. It states that due to diplomatic and trade relations with foreign countries, mutual relations have been established, and the movement of citizens abroad and their entry is based on certain rules. Attention is paid to such factors as the impact of such relations on the socio-political and economic situation in those countries, the specific way of life of the peoples of the region, the way in which diplomatic relations are established. The article focuses on the development of trade relations with foreign countries during the reign of ancient Khorezm, Sogdiana, Parthia and the medieval Hephthalites, the Turkish Khanate, the Arab Caliphate, Amir Temur and the Temurids, the Central Asian khanates, Khiva, Kokand, Bukhara khanates.


Numen ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 63 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 525-547
Author(s):  
Valerio S. Severino

This essay aims to reexamine the debate on the impact of Fascism on religious studies, by reconstructing what Raffaele Pettazzoni, one of the founding fathers of this field of research in Italy in the first half of the twentieth century, meant by “religion of the state.” His research on the origin of the religious state in Iranian history and in the Greek polytheistic prototype of thepolisoffers a key to the interpretation of his further analysis of the religious Fascist phenomenon. Mingling approaches of both political science and history of religions, this study constitutes an introduction to a new understanding — which remained hidden in Pettazzoni’s texts — of Fascism as a degeneration of state religiousness. While Fascism is an example of the sacralization of politics (according to one of the leading historians of Fascist ideology, Emilio Gentile), Pettazzoni showed how in other ways Fascism perpetuated the pre-Christian crisis of the religious state.


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