scholarly journals Granice i miasta graniczne Królestwa Belgii

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 77-124
Author(s):  
Ryszard Żelichowski

The Kingdom of Belgium appeared on the map of European countries relatively late, namely in 1830, as a result of the division of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands into two sovereign states. As the Kingdom of Belgium transformed from a unitary state into a federal state in the 19th century, in addition to the external (state) borders, it also has internal borders, which separate three autonomous regions, three linguistic communities and four linguistic regions. The basis of internal divisions is the linguistic conflict of two cultures colliding in the territory of the Kingdom of Belgium: French and Dutch-speaking (Roman and Germanic). These divisions also pass through towns and villages. This conflict was resolved in the 1960s by applying a unique concept of communes with linguistic facilities, where two different languages were allowed to function officially. Linguistic divisions were especially sharp in the two world wars, when the occupiers set these two separate cultures against one another. In this article, the author analyses particularly dramatic cases of this type of borders and their consequences for the residents of the borderland.

Author(s):  
Markus Lampe

Trade policy is one determining factor of 19th-century globalization, alongside transport and communication innovations and broader institutional changes that made worldwide commodity and factor flows possible. Four broad periods, or trade policy regimes, can be discerned at the European level. The first starts at the end of the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars that had led to many disruptions in trade relations. Governments tried to recover from the financial impact of the wars and to mitigate the adjustment shocks to domestic producers that came with the end of the wars. Very restrictive trade policies were thus adopted in most places and only slowly dismantled over the following decades as some of the welfare costs of, for example, agricultural protection became evident. The second period dated from the mid-1840s, which saw the liberalization of protective grain tariffs in many European countries, to the mid-1870s, when trade liberalization reached its maximum. This period witnessed unilateral trade liberalizations, but is most famous for the spread of a network of bilateral trade agreements across Europe in the wake of the Cobden–Chevalier treaty between France and the United Kingdom in 1860. From the 1870s, industrial and commercial crises and falling prices in agriculture due to global market integration led governments to search for solutions to these policy challenges. Many European countries thus increased protection for agriculture and manufactured goods in which domestic import-competing producers struggled. At the same time, demands for renegotiations threatened the treaty network, and lapsing agreements were only provisionally prolonged. From the late 1880s, the struggle between protection for import-competing producers and market access abroad for export-oriented producers led to internal and external conflicts over trade policy in many countries, including trade (or tariff) “wars.” A renewed network of less ambitious trade treaties than those of the 1860s restored a fragile equilibrium from the early 1890s, to be renewed and renegotiated roughly every 12 years as treaties approached their expiration date. When looking at the country and commodity level it can easily be appreciated that the more or less common shifts during these periods at the European level were more pronounced in some countries than in others. For example, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and Belgium shifted more decisively to free trade and remained there, while liberalization was much less pronounced and more decisively undone in Portugal, Spain, Russia, and the Habsburg monarchy. The experiences of the Scandinavian countries, Germany, and France lie somewhere in between. Turkey and the countries that gained independence from the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century started as (forced) free traders and from the 1880s increased their duties, in part to meet growing fiscal demands. At the commodity level, tariffs on raw materials remained generally low and did not follow the protectionist backlash that affected foodstuffs. One exception was (initially) “tropical” goods such as sugar, coffee, tea, and tobacco, where many countries levied high tariffs to extract fiscal revenue. For manufactured goods, liberalization and protectionist backlash were milder than in agriculture, although there are many exceptions to this rule.


2021 ◽  
pp. 377-382
Author(s):  
Michael Obladen

Since antiquity, cot death was explained as accidental suffocation, overlaying, or smothering. Parents were blamed for neglect or drunkenness, and a cage called arcuccio was invented around 1570 to protect the sleeping infant. Up to the 19th century, accidents were registered as natural causes of death. From 1830, accidental suffocation became unacceptable for physicians and legislators, and ‘natural’ explanations for the catastrophe were sought, with parents being consoled rather than blamed. Prone sleeping originated in the 1930s and from 1944 was associated with cot death. However, from the 1960s many authors recommended prone sleeping for infants, and many countries adopted the advice. A worldwide epidemic followed, peaking at 2% in England and Wales and 5% in New Zealand in the 1980s. Although epidemiological evidence was available by 1970, the first intervention was initiated in the Netherlands in 1989. Cot death disappeared almost entirely wherever prone sleeping was avoided. This strongly supports the assumption that prone sleeping has the greatest influence on the disorder, and that the epidemic resulted from wrong advice.


Author(s):  
Dimitry Kochenov

Article 182 EC The Member States agree to associate with the Union the non-European countries and territories which have special relations with Denmark, France, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. These countries and territories (hereinafter called the ‘countries and territories’) are listed in Annex II.


2013 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stijn van Kessel

This article assesses the electoral performance of populist parties in three European countries: the Netherlands, Poland and the United Kingdom. In explaining the electoral performance of the populist parties in the three countries, the article considers the agency of political parties in particular. More specifically, it examines the responsiveness of established parties and the credibility of the populist parties. Whereas the agency of populist parties, or other radical outsiders, has often been overlooked in previous comparative studies, this article argues that the credibility of the populist parties themselves plays a crucial role in understanding their electoral success and failure.


2006 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 455-474 ◽  
Author(s):  
VIRPI TIMONEN ◽  
JANET CONVERY ◽  
SUZANNE CAHILL

This article describes and evaluates cash-for-care programmes for older people in four European countries, namely Home-Care Grants in Ireland, Direct Payments in the United Kingdom (England), Service Vouchers in Finland and Personal Budgets in The Netherlands. The purpose is to raise understanding of the background and reasons for the introduction of cash-for-care programmes and their impact on the countries' care regimes. It is argued that while the motives for introducing cash-for-care programmes in the four countries are similar, namely to promote choice and autonomy, to plug gaps in existing provision, to create jobs, and to promote efficiency, cost savings and domiciliary care, the relative importance of these goals varies. Current cash-for-care programmes have comparatively modest coverage as compared with direct service provision and provide no more than an optional, supplementary source of care in three of the studied countries. Cash-for-care schemes have not radically transformed the care regimes in Finland, The Netherlands or the United Kingdom. In Ireland, however, the restricted availability of alternative forms of formal service provision means that the expansion of cash-for-care might shift care provision significantly towards private provision and financing.


2021 ◽  
pp. 49-68
Author(s):  
Manjari Chatterjee Miller

In the late 19th century the Dutch entered a second Golden Age. This chapter details how the Dutch were considered the second greatest colonial power after the United Kingdom, became one of the richest countries in Europe at the time, and began military reforms. But they were extremely reticent in their foreign policy behavior, giving up colonies and engaging in passive diplomacy. Despite its colonies and wealth, the narratives within the Netherlands denied that the Dutch were imperialist, and showed little appetite for active behavior on the world stage. The behavior of the Dutch was surprising not simply when compared to the world powers of the time—these great powers were, after all, arguably in a stronger strategic position than the Netherlands. Rather the Dutch were reticent even when compared to the smaller European powers of the day who jockeyed for influence, particularly with respect to colonies.


10.1068/c0228 ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 20 (6) ◽  
pp. 853-869 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annie Gaardsted Frandsen

This paper reviews local election turnout for the period since the 1970s in five European countries: Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. It explores especially the relationship between size of municipality and turnout in local elections. The author seeks to explore this issue in the light of Dahl and Tufte's 1973 classic study Size and Democracy (Stanford University Press) which claimed that citizens' motivation to participate is greater in small governmental units than in large ones. This study confirms the Dahl and Tufte hypothesis, in that turnout is consistently higher over time in small municipalities in all the countries reviewed, although the strength of the relationship varies between the different countries. The paper also shows that other factors, such as the type of electoral system used or whether voting is compulsory or not, also have an effect on turnout.


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