scholarly journals Beyond National Religiosity: The Pericope of 1 Kings 3:3-14 and Leadership Challenges in Nigeria

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Favour Uroko

Literature on leadership in Nigeria from the perspective of 1 Kings 3 is hard to find. In the pericope, Solomon was the successor to David in leadership. Solomon kept to the promises and good plans of his predecessor. The pericope shows the roles of godfathers in political leadership. This narrative is of great importance to Nigeria’s leadership challenges in the political arena. This article examines 1 Kings 3:3-14 and its relevance to the leadership challenges in Nigeria.  Nigeria is a country where leaders blackmail their predecessors and surround themselves with sycophants and godfathers. Over the years literature has focused on Nigeria’s leadership challenges from the political, sociological and psychological angles. This study provides a theological response to Nigeria’s leadership challenges.  

1979 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dunstan M. Wai

The shrinking political arena in Africa,1 caused by the authoritarian practices of presidential monarchs, has more often than not undermined the process of legitimation, as those who have not ‘fallen into things’ resort to unconstitutional means to gain access to political and economic kingdoms. Hitherto, political competition has become a raw power struggle, partly as a result of the absence of stable institutions for channelling and ordering politics,2 and partly because political leadership is so divided that it has failed to give form to statecraft. The failure of the first generation of African politicians has consequently encouraged the military to intervene and to sack them. But the African army has also experienced divisions and factions. Its record has not been impressive. Thus, in most African countries, the political situation has deteriorated progressively to praetorianism.3


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Harsh V. Verma

Brands are powerful determinants of success. It is unsurprising to see how branding tools and processes are employed in political context. Notwithstanding the differences, the exchange, choice and discrimination between competing candidates makes the political arena similar to marketing in general. A democratic form of governance enjoys several similarities with competition. The Indian political space is highly divided and fragmented based on voter demographics and psychology. In sync with market reality, the political players are also highly diversified. In the next general elections, the most dominant voting group is going to be the youth segment often called now generation. Change is also visible in the political leadership of two major national parties. The competing leaders Narendra Modi of the BJP and Rahul Gandhi of the Congress have a brand building is task in their hands. The first question in brand building is to understand what the brand stands for. This study explores the identity of these two leaders by applying content analysis to their communication. It is interesting to find that both brands are driven by a dominant discourse on change, but seem to adopt different routes to achieving the same.


2009 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara W. Wright

The importance of nurses’ participation in health policy leadership is discussed within the context of Rogers’ science of unitary human beings, Barrett’s power theory, and one nurse-politician’s experience. Nurses have a major role to play in resolving public policy issues that influence the health of people. A brief review of the history of nurses in the political arena is presented. Research related to power and trust is reviewed. Suggested strategies for success in political situations are offered.


Author(s):  
Yetunde A. Aluko

Political leadership in Nigeria are stratified on the basis of gender distinction, thereby calling to question the assertion of gender neutrality in the political arena. Looking beyond the usual sex variable in a survey, this paper explores the consequences of gender and women’s political leadership in Nigeria using case studies approach to appraise the life histories of two groups of women. It takes gender as a category of analysis, recognizing the contributions feminist theorists have made. The cases observed in this study confirm the capability of Nigerian women to hold political leadership roles and to engage in decision-making activities that can affect the nation’s development. Though, more emphasis should be placed on power politics, without necessarily deemphasising alternative options such as affirmative action, it should, however, be pursued within the framework of competitive politics so that the legitimacy, effectiveness and autonomy of women in decision-making will not be compromised.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 189-216
Author(s):  
Jamil Hilal

The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it collapsed in 1948, when, with the British government’s support of the Zionist movement, which succeeded in establishing the state of Israel, the Palestinian national movement was crushed. This article focuses mainly on the Palestinian political field as it developed in the 1960s and 1970s, the beginnings of its fragmentation in the 1990s, and its almost complete collapse in the first decade of this century. It was developed on a structure characterized by the dominance of a center where the political leadership functioned. The center, however, was established outside historic Palestine. This paper examines the components and dynamics of the relationship between the center and the peripheries, and the causes of the decline of this center and its eventual disappearance, leaving the constituents of the Palestinian people under local political leadership following the collapse of the national representation institutions, that is, the political, organizational, military, cultural institutions and sectorial organizations (women, workers, students, etc.) that made up the PLO and its frameworks. The paper suggests that the decline of the political field as a national field does not mean the disintegration of the cultural field. There are, in fact, indications that the cultural field has a new vitality that deserves much more attention than it is currently assigned.


Author(s):  
Erica Marat

This chapter, on Kyrgyzstan, demonstrates how diverse and dynamic civil society mobilized in support of police overhaul following the state’s use of lethal force against civilian demonstrators in central Bishkek in 2010. The political leadership pledged to overhaul the police to avoid a repetition of bloodshed. Engaging with a range of NGOs, civic activists, and MPs, the Interior Ministry has addressed reform in a chaotic and unpredictable manner. Civil society actors representing NGOs bickered among themselves, while their demands to depoliticize the Interior Ministry differed altogether from those of the ministry. Nevertheless, the concept paper that emerged following numerous forums was driven by a consensus between a range of nonstate and state actors.


Author(s):  
Mónica Pachón ◽  
Santiago E. Lacouture

Mónica Pachón and Santiago E. Lacouture examine the case of Colombia and show that women’s representation has been low and remains low in most arenas of representation and across national and subnational levels of government. The authors identify institutions and the highly personalized Colombian political context as the primary reasons for this. Despite the fact that Colombia was an electoral democracy through almost all of the twentieth century, it was one of the last countries in the region to grant women political rights. Still, even given women’s small numbers, they do bring women’s issues to the political arena. Pachón and Lacoutre show that women are more likely to sponsor bills on women-focused topics, which may ultimately lead to greater substantive representation of women in Colombia.


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