scholarly journals THE SHIFT AND CONTINUITY OF THE PHILIPPINES� FOREIGN POLICY UNDER RODRIGO DUTERTE ON THE SOUTH CHINA SEA ISSUE

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennie Joyce Candice ◽  
Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South China Sea ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
South China ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
The South ◽  
National Interests ◽  
China Sea ◽  
The World

The South China Sea (SCS) has become the largest and the crucial Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOCs) not only for Southeast Asia but also for the world. As one of the claimants of the South China Sea, Philippines were always and will always be trying to protect its national interests in the disputed waterways as part of its national territory. This article discusses about the shift and continuity of the Philippines� foreign policy on the South China Sea issue. It explicates the shift and continuity of Philippines foreign policy under Rodrigo Duterte to the South China Sea. A more focus elaboration will be devoted on how the Philippines implemented its foreign policy to deal with China in the South China Sea dispute.It argues that Duterte foreign policy to this delicate issue is always based on the strategic dynamic of its �two-level game� (domestic and international political stimuli) to its national interests.

scholarly journals Equi-Balancing’ Foreign Policy of The Philippines Toward China: The Implementation Of The Philippines’ Cooperative Maritime Diplomacy To China In The South China Sea Dispute

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennie Joyce Candice ◽  
Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
The South ◽  
National Interests ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Self Confidence

This article explicates the implementation of “Equi-Balancing” foreign policy of the Philippines toward China in the South China Sea (SCS) dispute. It argues that in order to protects its core national interests, Philippines should be able to manage its constructive relations with China. In order to do so, Philippines under the Rodrigo Duterte administration formulated and implemented cooperative maritime diplomacy to China. The main objectives of this cooperative maritime diplomacy were creating a closer the Philippines-China relations and on the hand, making some diplomatic distance to the United States in the SCS issue. This article utilises qualitative research method in deciphering the above cooperative maritime diplomacy. To achieve these goals, the Philippines has conducted several concrete actions by building: its sofpower, self confidence and coalition.

scholarly journals The Limits of Intergovernmentalism: The Philippines’ Changing Strategy in the South China Sea Dispute and Its Impact on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)

2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-358
Author(s):  
Renato Cruz De Castro
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
The South ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Security Challenges ◽  
Regional Organisation

Focusing on the Philippines’ changing foreign policy agendas on the South China Sea dispute, this article examines the limitations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ (ASEAN) intergovernmental approach in addressing security challenges in the Indo-Pacific region. It contends that former President Benigno Aquino III tried to harness this regional organisation in his balancing policy vis-à-vis China’s maritime expansion in the South China Sea. On the contrary, President Rodrigo Duterte promoted his appeasement policy on China when he became the ASEAN’s chairperson in 2017, and pushed for the elusive passage of the ASEAN–China Code of Conduct in 2019. In conclusion, the article scrutinises the implications of this shift in the Philippines’ foreign policy for the ASEAN, and raises the need for this regional organisation to rethink its intergovernmental approach to the security challenges posed by the changing geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific region.

The South China Sea Arbitral Award amidst Shifting Philippine Foreign Policy

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-65
Author(s):  
Lowell Bautista
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
Arbitral Tribunal ◽  
The South ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Arbitral Award ◽  
Policy Direction

Abstract The South China Sea Arbitral Tribunal award was an overwhelming legal and moral victory for the Philippines. The arbitral tribunal categorically declared that China’s nine-dash line claim is incompatible with the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. However, China’s defiance of the ruling and refusal to honor and implement the award pose a serious challenge to Manila’s victory. In addition, the astonishing shift in Philippine foreign policy direction, alongside the change in government, flouts the arbitral award and undermines previous State policies assertive of Philippine maritime and territorial claims in the South China Sea. The current direction of Philippine-China relations under Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte has demonstrated positive signs of improvement compared with acrimonious bilateral relations pursued by the previous Aquino administration. The arbitral award has largely been set aside in the government’s effort to restore amicable economic and diplomatic relations with China. This paper examines the South China Sea arbitral award amidst shifting Philippine foreign policy under the administration of President Rodrigo Duterte.

scholarly journals The Philippines and Vietnam’s Responses to the Permanent Court of Arbitration’s Final Award on the Arbitration Case Initiated by the Philippines Against China over the South China Sea (July 2016)

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-178
Author(s):  
Nguyen Huong Thach Thao
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South China Sea ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
South China ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
International Community ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
The South ◽  
China Sea ◽  
First Time

Abstract In July 2016, the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) issued its final award on the South China Sea dispute between the Philippines and China that caught the attention of the international community. Since this was the first time that a claimant in the South China Sea had ever referred the case to an international juridical body in an effort to settle the dispute, the responses of both claimant and non-claimant stakeholders were awaited. Realising the relevance of the issue, I conduct a comparative study of the responses to the PCA’s final award to two major claimants with similar positions on the South China Sea—the Philippines and Vietnam. The main aim of this study is to indicate the similarities and/or differences in the way these two states responded to the final decisions of the PCA. The study finds that even though both the Philippines and Vietnam reacted to the award in a similar manner, the motives behind their responses were different. In general, the South China Sea policy of the Philippines has always been less consistent than that of Vietnam, which can be explained through each state’s foreign policy tendencies.

scholarly journals Dinamika Persenjataan di Asia Tenggara, 2010-2015

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Iwan Sulistyo
Keyword(s):  
South China Sea ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
South China ◽  
Reaction Model ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
The South ◽  
Territorial Conflict ◽  
Military Capability ◽  
China Sea

States, however, are still the main actors in International Relations. Although the Cold War had formally ended in 1991, as a matter of fact, the military competition still exists, including at the regional level. This article attempts to analyze the arms dynamic in Southeast Asia during the 2010-2015 periods. By using three models – action-reaction model, the domestic structure model, and the technological imperative – simultaneously and analyzing the data published by both the IISS and SIPRI, this study shows that conflict in the South China Sea had been the primary motive of several countries in increasing their military spending and enhancing their military capabilities, both qualities as well as quantities. Several countries accelerating their military strength had been Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam, the Philippines, Myanmar, Thailand, and Indonesia. However, Singapore had been the leading actor that has significant efforts in strengthening its military power. Relizing the difficulty to identify the actual motives of these several countries enlarging their hard power, the author argues that, within this arms dynamic, there is also a possibility or even the long-term tendency in terms of arms race as long as these major actors that relates directly to the South China Sea territorial conflict are not able carefully to maintain their security dilemma and perceived threats.  Kata Kunci: Arms dynamic, Southeast Asia, military capability

scholarly journals Military Build-up in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea: How Relevant Are the Disputes with China?

2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 565-591
Author(s):  
Bruno Hendler ◽  
André Luiz Cançado Motta
Keyword(s):  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
The South ◽  
Entire Area ◽  
China Sea ◽  
The World

Abstract Abstract: The South China Sea (SCS) is one of the regions with the most dynamic and intense military activity in the world. This is largely due to commercial and political interests linked to the region, which is crucial for global maritime trade and rich in natural resources. China is the most interested party in the SCS, claiming 90% of its entire area, a portion referred to by Beijing as the “nine-dash line.” The present article seeks to analyse both quantitatively and qualitatively the influence of China on the military spending of four Southeast (SE) Asian countries that are also interested in the SCS: Vietnam, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Indonesia. For quantitative analysis, we used the data for military expenditure, armaments acquisition, the frequency and type of incidents involving national navies and/or civilians. For qualitative analysis, we retrieved information from hemerographic sources and official documents from the United States, China, SE Asian countries, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), and the World Bank (WB).

China's Assertive Posture in Reinforcing its Territorial and Sovereignty Claims in the South China Sea: An Insight into Malaysia's Stance

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-105
Author(s):  
MOHAMMAD ZAKI AHMAD ◽  
MOHD AZIZUDDIN MOHD SANI
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
Policy Preference ◽  
The South ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Spratly Islands ◽  
Insight Into

AbstractChina's growing assertiveness in strengthening its territorial and sovereignty claims in the South China Sea has arguably intensified friction and deepened tension between the rival claimant States. In sharp contrast to the strong reactions of its fellow ASEAN claimants, such as Vietnam and the Philippines, Malaysia traditionally has been less critical and more inclined to downplay China's perceived emotive actions. This subtle foreign policy orientation is likely to remain unchanged in the immediate future. Malaysian leaders are aware of the need to continue adopting a more cautious but pragmatic approach to counter China's increasingly aggressive actions in the Spratly Islands. Because of the significant economic and political benefits derived from its close relationships with China, Malaysia's policy preference is aimed to avoid jeopardizing such relations. However, the growing presence of Chinese military vessels in Malaysia's waters in recent years has forced the latter to reassess its foreign policy approach, which might include adopting a more assertive stance towards China. Set against this backdrop, this article aims to give an exploratory insight into Malaysia's external behaviour and actions in response to China's recent growing aggressiveness in the South China Sea. To this end, the aim of this article is achieved through a twofold approach. First, it examines Malaysia's overlapping claims to maritime features and waters with China, with the focus on the Spratly Islands group. Lastly, the article provides an explorative insight of Malaysia's rationalist stance, particularly under the current administration of Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak, in response to China's aggressiveness. It also examines the motivations, intentions, and basis of this external posture.

scholarly journals Gridlock in Global Ocean Governance: Diverging National Interests in the South China Sea

Perceptions ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wesley Nappen
Keyword(s):  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
Global Ocean ◽  
The South ◽  
National Interests ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Natural Resource Extraction ◽  
Ocean Governance

With the ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) in 1994, it was intended to serve as a means of universal ocean governance in resolving international maritime disputes. However, the failure to resolve the ongoing South China Sea Dispute, between the neighboring countries of China, Taiwan, Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia, Brunei, and the Philippines, has revealed regulatory gaps on the part of global ocean governance. This paper identifies the origins of gridlock in global ocean governance by identifying the diverging national interests of the actors involved in the South China Sea dispute that hinder cooperation in the region. Furthermore, this paper will show how the legacy of UNCLOS has stifled its own ability to mediate this contemporary conflict. In conclusion, this paper asserts that the key to resolving the South China Sea dispute is through multilateral natural resource extraction between the actors involved in the conflict, aided by the legal and diplomatic support of UNCLOS.

The South China Sea Arbitration: Bindingness, Finality, and Compliance with UNCLOS Dispute Settlement Decisions

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-50
Author(s):  
Hao Duy PHAN ◽  
Lan Ngoc NGUYEN
Keyword(s):  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
Dispute Settlement ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
The South ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Binding Force ◽  
State Compliance ◽  
Dispute Settlement Mechanisms

AbstractOn 12 July 2016, the Tribunal in theSouth China Seaarbitration issued its final award. China rejected the ruling as “null and void”. The Philippines dismissed it as “a piece of paper” after initially hailing the ruling a “milestone decision”. The reactions of the parties concerned raise important questions about the bindingness, finality, and state compliance with UNCLOS dispute settlement decisions. This paper addresses these questions by dissecting China’s arguments that the award “has no binding force” and by examining the options available for promoting compliance with the award. The paper also considers the broader question of how states generally comply with UNCLOS dispute settlement decisions and evaluates the significance of UNCLOS dispute settlement mechanisms, including theSouth China Seaarbitration, in the absence of external enforcement.

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