scholarly journals РОССИЙСКИЕ ПЛАНЫ УСИЛЕНИЯ РЕЧИ ПОСПОЛИТОЙ В 1746 г.: ПОЛЬСКАЯ МИССИЯ М. ЛИВЕНА И М.Н. ВОЛКОНСКОГО

Author(s):  
M.Yu. Anisimov ◽  

In 1746 in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth the next seym (parliament) on which the Polish Royal Court decided to pass the decision on increase in the Polish army limited during Great Northern war had to be called. Strengthening of Prussia was one of the main reasons of emergence of this plan. It threatened with power annexation of the western Polish territories by Berlin. In St. Petersburg where Elizabeth Petrovna’s government was also anxious with growth of power of Prussia, decided to support the Polish plans and to turn Poland into the ally of Russia in anti-Prussian fi ght. For training of the Polish magnates and to clarifi cation of opportunities of the organization of the pro-Russian party, the Russian emissaries M. Liewen and M.N. Volkonsky were sent to Poland. On return to Russia emissaries reported that, despite fears of Prussia, Poles are not ready to take any steps provoking it, including increase in army. Also emissaries presented candidacies of the magnates capable to be active supporters of Russia. From now on the Russian Court, having refused the idea of strengthening of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, did not lose sight of an internal political situation in Poland any more and supported the infl uential group of princes Czartoryski’s which was guided by rapprochement with Russia.

Author(s):  
Daniel Chirot

This chapter frames revolutions as sites of tragedy, within which liberal moderates find themselves caught in the midst of a highly volatile political situation. Here, revolutions are defined as being inspired by ideals that call for the building of a better society by deliberately and quickly changing, at a minimum, key political rules, and institutions. From there, the chapter describes four “acts” or stages, similar to the dramatic progression of classic tragedy, which can play out during revolutions. Not all revolutions follow all four of these stages, but some do, and all experience at least two or three of them. Furthermore, the chapter describes an important figure present in many of these revolutions—the liberal moderate—whose misfortune it is to be caught between intransigent resistance to reform by the king and royal court and equally uncompromising revolutionary radicalism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.


2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 370-377
Author(s):  
Brian McFarlane

On stage, Lindsay Anderson directed ten plays by David Storey, who also wrote the novel on which This Sporting Life is based. Anderson directed Storey's In Celebration both in the theatre, at the Royal Court in 1969, and on television, for the American Film Theatre in 1975. Although it focuses primarily on the television version of In Celebration, a work which is all too often neglected in critical discussions of Anderson's output, this article examines Anderson as a director for both stage and screen, and also explores the numerous significant links between Storey's and Anderson's oeuvres.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 245-255
Author(s):  
Rostislav F. Turovsky

The article is devoted to the study of the party model of Russian parliamentarism in post-soviet period. The focus is on the issues of party representation and its correlation with the distribution of the managerial positions and introduction of collective legislation at State Duma. These issues are examined from the point of view of reaching cross-party consensus and implementation of fair parliament party representation principle. According to the author Russian parliamentarism model aims at reaching full-fledged party consensus that corresponds better to the principles of popular representation than strict parliament polarization along the line of “authority-opposition”. Understanding of those issues by the majority of the players was noted from the very start of the State Duma activities, in spite of the acute conflicts in the 1990-ies.The author draws the conclusion that the equation of party representation continues to grow at the level of managerial positions in the parliament that allows to improve cooperation of the parties and to reduce authority and opposition conflicts. Thereby the Russian parliamentarism model makes an important contribution to the stabilization of socio-political situation of the country.


2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 327-334
Author(s):  
Inga V. Zheltikova ◽  
Elena I. Khokhlova

The article considers the dependence of the images of future on the socio-cultural context of their formation. Comparison of the images of the future found in A.I. Solzhenitsyn’s works of various years reveals his generally pessimistic attitude to the future in the situation of social stability and moderate optimism in times of society destabilization. At the same time, the author's images of the future both in the seventies and the nineties of the last century demonstrate the mismatch of social expectations and reality that was generally typical for the images of the future. According to the authors of the present article, Solzhenitsyn’s ideas that the revival of spirituality could serve as the basis for the development of economy, that the influence of the Church on the process of socio-economic development would grow, and that the political situation strongly depends on the personal qualities of the leader, are unjustified. Nevertheless, such ideas are still present in many images of the future of Russia, including contemporary ones.


2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Kurowiak

AbstractAs a work of propaganda, graphics Austroseraphicum Coelum Paulus Pontius should create a new reality, make appearances. The main impression while seeing the graphics is the admiration for the power of Habsburgs, which interacts with the power of the Mother of God. She, in turn, refers the viewer to God, as well as Franciscans placed on the graphic, they become a symbol of the Church. This is a starting point for further interpretation of the drawing. By the presence of certain characters, allegories, symbols, we can see references to a particular political situation in the Netherlands - the war with the northern provinces of Spain. The message of the graphic is: the Spanish Habsburgs, commissioned by the mission of God, they are able to fight all of the enemies, especially Protestants, with the help of Immaculate and the Franciscans. The main aim of the graphic is to convince the viewer that this will happen and to create in his mind a vision of the new reality. But Spain was in the seventeenth century nothing but a shadow of former itself (in the time of Philip IV the general condition of Spain get worse). That was the reason why they wanted to hold the belief that the empire continues unwavering. The form of this work (graphics), also allowed to export them around the world, and the ambiguity of the symbolic system, its contents relate to different contexts, and as a result, the Habsburgs, not only Spanish, they could promote their strength everywhere. Therefore it was used very well as a single work of propaganda, as well as a part of a broader campaign


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document