scholarly journals CONFLICTS OF INTEREST IN PAKISTAN AND UNITED STATES RELATIONS (2008-2019)

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-219

The ambit of Pakistan’s relationship with the United States is based on convergence as well as divergence of interests, whereby the United States kept intense engagement followed by periods of utter indifference. Most of the times mutual mistrust and suspicions makeshift the policy parameters to the strategic impasse. Considering the trends of the relations, the US policy revolves around the struggle for global hegemony with policy parameters of off-shore balancing and buck-passing, and Pakistan is mainly focused on security imperatives. This piece of research investigates that what are grounds of conflicts between Pakistan and the United States relations? The study is conducted by explanatory and analytical approaches. Data sources are both primary and secondary where for primary source data was collected through Interviews with ministry of defence and foreign office. The United States and Pakistan relations remained uneasy due to mistrust and accusations and the US preference to India in the region in general and in Afghanistan in particular and the China’s growing influence in the region. The need is to understand Pakistan’s security concerns, an acknowledgment of the contribution to the war against terror and above all to revive cooperation for regional peace and prosperity.

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
SCOTT ALAN CARSON

SummaryThe use of height data to measure living standards is now a well-established method in economics. However, there are still some populations, places and times for which the comparison across groups remains unclear. One example is 19th century Mexicans in the US. This study demonstrates that after comparing the statures of Mexicans born in Mexico and the US the primary source of the stature difference between the two groups was birth year, and the stature gap increased as the US economy developed while the Mexican economy stagnated. Moreover, the stature growth of Mexicans born in the US was related to vitamin D, and the Mexican relationship between stature and insolation was more like that of Europeans than Africans.


1982 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 373-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter G. Boyle

On 21 February 1947, the US Government was informed of Britain's decision to terminate aid to Greece as from 31 March 1947. This produced a flurry of activity culminating in President Harry Truman's address to Congress on 12 March 1947 in which he requested $400m. aid for Greece and Turkey and pronounced the Truman Doctrine, thereby commiting the United States to the worldwide containment of Communism by means of American aid to nations threatened either by Communist insurgency from within or by Communist aggression from abroad. Debate on the Greek-Turkish Aid Bill and on the implications of the Truman Doctrine was one of the important sources of Secretary of State George C. Marshall's speech at Havard University on 5 June 1947 which initiated the idea of the Marshall Plan, the four year programme (1948–52) of American Aid to sixteen European nations designed to build up the economics of these countries and to lessen the prospect of Communism gaining strength within them. Was Britain's sudden withdrawal of aid from Greece determined simply by financial weakness, or did British policy have a more positive and subtle aim, namely to induce the United States to commit itself decisively to a policy of containment in both its political and economic form? The British Foreign Office papers for the late 1940s, as well as the papers of other government departments such as the Treasury, which are now open as a consequence of the thirty year rule, facilitate a better understanding of British policy in 1947–48 and of the British view of American policy in those years, in particular with regard to the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan.


Modern Drama ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 259-282
Author(s):  
James H. Cox ◽  
Alexander Pettit

In The Emperor Jones, a rebellion orchestrated by the “Native Chief,” Lem, dramatizes Eugene O’Neill’s Indigenocentric reimagining of the US occupation of Haiti. O’Neill honoured his primary source, James Weldon Johnson’s Self-Determining Haiti, by creating a Black Indigenous leader who orchestrates the overthrow of an invader from the United States. Taking Lem seriously corrects a critical tradition preoccupied with the outsized “emperor,” Brutus Jones, and inattentive to Indigenous Americans in the play.


Blood ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 116 (21) ◽  
pp. 2229-2229
Author(s):  
Philip S Rosenberg ◽  
Hannah Tamary ◽  
Blanche P. Alter

Abstract Abstract 2229 Background: Although carrier frequencies for Fanconi anemia (FA) have been estimated for several founder populations, carrier frequencies in different countries remain unclear. One exception is Israel. In Jewish populations, founder mutations have been identified, e.g. the FANCC IVS+4 A>T mutation in Ashkenazi Jews, and the FANCA 2172–2173insG mutation in Moroccan Jews. The ability to test for specific mutations has enabled screening studies: the carrier frequency in Israeli Ashkenazi Jews is around 1:85; limited available data suggest that carrier frequencies in other Israeli Jewish subgroups may be similar (Tamary et al. BJH 2000). FA also occurs in Israeli Arab populations but carrier frequencies have not been determined. In contrast, there are much less data for the United States (US). Swift (Nature 1971) estimated the US FA carrier frequency as 1:300, but this estimate was based on surprisingly limited data - in total, the 12 persons with FA born in New York State from 1956 until 1967 who were known to the author among the corresponding total of 4.2 million live births. Nonetheless, this figure remains widely cited and has not been updated even after 40 years. We sought to update this estimate given the biological importance of the FA pathway. Methods: We applied Swift's approach (knowledge of the number of FA cases born during a given period with a known overall birth rate) to contemporary data for the United States and Israel. Specifically, we used the Hardy-Weinberg Law and demographic data from the Fanconi Anemia Research Fund (FARF, 488 FA) and the Israeli Fanconi Anemia Registry (ISFAR, 66 FA). Results: On average during the 1990s, 15 persons with FA were born each year in the US who eventually became known to the FARF, amongst the 4.0 million persons born each year in the US during that period. The corresponding Hardy-Weinberg carrier frequency is 1:257 (95% Confidence Interval: 1:240 – 1:277). This range describes a lower bound because ascertainment in FARF must be less than 100%. Even so, the lower confidence limit is significantly greater that 1:300. The true ascertainment in FARF is unknown. We propose that values between 40% – 60% are plausible. Using this range to adjust the observed birth incidence upwards, we obtained a plausible range for the carrier frequency of 1:156 – 1:209 [midpoint 1:182]. We applied the same approach to the ISFAR where 2.6 births per year were observed. We assumed 50% – 100% ascertainment by ISFAR since cases were identified through a country-wide hospital network. For the entire country of Israel (Jews and non-Jews combined), we obtained a plausible range for the carrier frequency of 1:66 – 1:128 [midpoint 1:93]. Hence, the range for Israel derived using Swift's indirect approach (estimated from birth rates) is broadly consistent with direct surveys. Conclusions: The FA carrier frequency in the US may be higher than previously thought, around 1:200 or perhaps even higher. From the perspective of population genetics, our results suggest there is less difference between the average carrier frequency in the US and higher carrier frequencies of around 1:100 reported for a number of ethnic groups including Ashkenazi Jews. This is consistent with the facts that the general US population is heterogeneous mixture of descendents of many ancestral groups, and FA is found world-wide. Our results also suggest that some European populations may have higher carrier frequencies than currently recognized. Our findings are sensitive to a number of assumptions. Going forwards, large scale re-sequencing studies could more precisely determine how many persons in the general population carry causative alleles for FA and other rare recessive syndromes. Disclosures: No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.


Blood ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 118 (21) ◽  
pp. 4753-4753
Author(s):  
Leann Norris ◽  
Donald Mattison ◽  
Zaina Parvez Qureshi ◽  
Charles Bennett

Abstract Abstract 4753 Background: Erythropoiesis stimulating agents (ESAs) are approved for preventing transfusions (United States (US)) or treating symptomatic anemia (Canada/Europe) among chemotherapy or chronic kidney disease (CKD) patients. Extensive reassessments of safety, efficacy, dosing, and target hemoglobin levels have occurred. Methods: Regulatory agencies', ESA manufacturer notifications, clinical guidelines, phase III trials and meta-analyses cited in clinical guidelines were reviewed (2007 to 2011). Results: CKD and Cancer: Quality of life benefits are reported in Europe and Canada. In the US, product labels report exercise capacity improvements for CKD patients. CKD: Clinical trials reported cardiovascular, cerebrovascular, and mortality risks with ESAs targeting high versus low hemoglobin levels or cardiovascular and mortality risks with ESAs versus placebo. 2011 US' advisories recommend ESA doses sufficient to prevent transfusions among dialysis patients and caution with ESA administration to non-dialysis patients. Canadian and European recommendations target hemoglobin levels between 10 and 12 g/dl and 11 to 12 g/dl, respectively. Following these recommendations among non-dialysis US patients, ESA use decreased 16%. Most US dialysis CKD patients receive ESAs, with lower achieved hemoglobin levels, and 30% decreased ESA usage since 2008. In Europe and Canada, which initially had substantially lower ESA use, there has been a gradual increase. Cancer: Trials identified mortality, tumor progression, and venous thromboembolism risks with ESAs targeting higher versus lower hemoglobin levels. US labels warn against administering ESAs with potentially curative chemotherapy. European guidelines recommend ESAs for symptomatic patients at hemoglobin levels of 9 to 11 g/dL and consider for asymptomatic patients at levels of 11 to 11.9 g/dL. Canadian advisories report cost-utility ratios exceeding accepted standards. ESA use decreased by 70% in the US. Current ESA utilization rates for cancer are higher in Europe and lower in Canada. Conclusions: International differences in interpreting efficacy and safety data and ESA utilization exist. The changes have been most apparent in the US. Disclosures: No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.


Author(s):  
Jack Copeland

Once Enigma was solved and the pioneering work on Tunny was done, Turing’s battering-ram mind was needed elsewhere. Routine codebreaking irked him and he was at his best when breaking new ground. In 1942 he travelled to America to explore cryptology’s next challenge, the encryption of speech. Turing left Bletchley Park for the United States in November 1942. He sailed for New York on a passenger liner, during what was one of the most dangerous periods for Atlantic shipping. It must have been a nerve-racking journey. That month alone, the U-boats sank more than a hundred Allied vessels. Turing was the only civilian aboard a floating barracks, packed to bursting point with military personnel. At times there were as many as 600 men crammed into the officers’ lounge—Turing said he nearly fainted. On the ship’s arrival in New York, it was decreed that his papers were inadequate, and this placed his entry to the United States in jeopardy. The immigration officials even debated interning him on Ellis Island. ‘That will teach my employers to furnish me with better credentials’ was Turing’s laconic comment. It was a private joke at the British government’s expense: since becoming a codebreaker in 1939, his employers were none other than His Majesty’s Foreign Office. America did not exactly welcome Turing with open arms. His principal reason for making the dangerous trip across the Atlantic was to spend time at Manhattan’s Bell Telephone Laboratories, where speech encryption work was going on, but the authorities declined to clear him to visit this hive of top-secret projects. General George Marshall, Chief of Staff of the US Army, declared that Bell Labs housed work ‘of so secret a nature that Dr. Turing cannot be given access’. While Winston Churchill’s personal representative in Washington, Sir John Dill, struggled to get General Marshall’s decision reversed, Turing spent his first two months in America advising Washington’s codebreakers—no doubt this was unknown to Marshall, who might otherwise have forbidden Turing’s involvement. During this time Turing also acted as consultant to the engineers who were designing an electronic version of his bombe for production in America.


Author(s):  
Steven Hurst

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


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