scholarly journals A triangle: Spatial processes of urbanization and political power in 19th-century Tabora, Tanzania

Afriques ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karin Pallaver
2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabiana Dos Santos Sousa

Resumo O artigo apresenta um estudo da obra Humana, demasiado, humana, de Luzilá Gonçalves Ferreira, com ênfase na análise das personagens femininas, em especial, Lou Salomé. Busca- se compreender como essas mulheres transgrediram os padrões da sociedade do século XIX, época em que as mulheres estavam excluídas do poder político e educacional pura e simplesmente. Palavras-chave: Mulheres. Transgressora. Lou Andreas Salomé. Luzilá Gonçalves Ferreira. THE CHARACTER OF LOU AS A TRANSGRESSOR OF SOCIAL STANDARDS IMPOSED ON WOMEN IN THE 19TH CENTURY IN HUMAN, TOO, HUMANAbstract The article presents a study of Human, too, human, by Luzilá Gonçalves Ferreira, emphasizing an analysis of female characters, particularly Lou Salome. We seek to understand how these women transgress the standards of the nineteenth century society, when women used to be excluded from political power and educational pure and simply. Keywords: Women. Transgressive. Lou Andreas Salomé. Luzilá Gonçalves Ferreira.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 491-513 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Gerring ◽  
Matthew Maguire ◽  
Jillian Jaeger

Why is the exercise of political power highly concentrated in some polities and widely dispersed in others? We argue that one important causal factor is demographic. Populous polities are characterized by less concentrated structures of authority. To explain this relationship, we invoke two mechanisms: heterogeneity and trust. The theory is demonstrated with a wide variety of empirical measures in cross-country analyses including most sovereign states and extending back to the 19th century. The result suggests the possibility of a ubiquitous ‘law’ of politics.


2008 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 434-456 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janina Karolewski

AbstractThis article examines how the widespread denomination of the Alevi tradition as “heterodox Islam” was introduced in the academic field in the late 19th century. This denomination reflects the differentiation between Alevis and Sunnis, which originally did not base on religious differences but on the socio-political power struggle between the Ottoman Empire and the Safavids/Kızılbaş. First, the historical development of this conflict and the spread of anti-Safavid/Kızılbaş propaganda in the 16th century will be highlighted. Second, it will be illustrated how the Kızılbaş were 'rediscovered' by Westerners in the late 19th century. Then, the development of anti-Alevi discrimination and resentment in the 20th century will be described. Finally, Turkey's official line in regard to the Alevis' religious status and the Alevis' aggressive response to this will be shown.


Author(s):  
Şevket Pamuk

The Ottoman Empire stood at the crossroads of intercontinental trade for six centuries until World War I. For most of its existence, the economic institutions and policies of this agrarian empire were shaped according to the distribution of political power, cooperation, conflicts, and struggles between the state elites and the various other elites, including those in the provinces. The central bureaucracy managed to contain the many challenges it faced with its pragmatism and habit of negotiation to co-opt and incorporate into the state the social groups that rebelled against it. As long as the activities of the economic elites, landowners, merchants, the leading artisans, and the moneylenders contributed to the perpetuation of this social order, the state encouraged and supported them but did not welcome their rapid enrichment. The influence of these elites over economic matters, and more generally over the policies of the central government, remained limited. Cooperation and coordination among the provincial elites was also made more difficult by the fact that the empire covered a large geographical area, and the different ethnic groups and their elites did not always act together. Differences in government policies and the institutional environment between Western Europe and the Middle East remained limited until the early modern era. With the rise of the Atlantic trade, however, the merchants in northwestern European countries increased their economic and political power substantially. They were then able to induce their governments to defend and develop their commercial interests in the Middle East more forcefully. As they began to lag behind the European merchants even in their own region, it became even more difficult for the Ottoman merchants to provide input into their government’s trade policies or change the commercial or economic institutions in the direction they preferred. Key economic institutions of the traditional Ottoman order, such as state ownership of land, urban guilds, and selective interventionism, remained mostly intact until 1820. In the early part of the 19th century, the center, supported by the new technologies, embarked on an ambitious reform program and was able to reassert its power over the provinces. Centralization and reforms were accompanied by the opening of the economy to international trade and investment. Economic policies and institutional changes in the Ottoman Empire began to reflect the growing power of European states and companies during the 19th century.


Author(s):  
David M. Gordon

By the late 19th century, a caravan trade extended from the Indian and Atlantic littorals through the hinterlands of south central Africa. Industrial commodities—guns, cloths, iron, and beads—were exchanged for ivory, slaves, beeswax, and rubber. Along the trade routes and in trading centers, words spread to describe new commodities, new peoples, new trading customs, and new forms of political power. These Wanderwörter originated in the languages of the coastal traders, in particular in Portuguese and Kiswahili. When the diverse vernaculars of the south central African interior were transcribed by colonial-era missionaries into “tribal” languages, such wandering words were incorporated into these languages, often disguised by distinctive orthographies. Other words were left out of dictionaries and political vocabularies, replaced by supposedly more authentic and archaic words. Examining these wandering words provides a window into linguistic dynamism and political-economic change prior to European conquest.


Author(s):  
N. Thomas Håkansson

The Pangani Valley region in northern Tanzania is dominated by an arc of highlands that stretch from Usambara to Arusha. In this region, ecotonal variations in environments have shaped—and were in turn shaped by—cultural, political, and economic forces. Since the early 18th century three major events and shifts in regional and world systems dynamics affected significant economic and political changes on the highlands. First, the international ivory and slave trade increased in volume and organization; second, this led to an expansion of specialized pastoralism through an increased availability of cattle in the region; and third, at the end of the 19th century the region was included into a colonial state. The populations of the highlands were all organized into patrilineages and patriclans. Sometime in the late 1600s or early 1700s, several of the kinship-based, highland communities developed into chiefdoms of varying sizes and degrees of stratification. The ability of a chief to maintain a rudimentary administration and political power depended on the possession of wealth in the form of livestock, rights in persons, and rights in land. A part of household production in the form of crops, livestock, and beer was transmitted from farmers to chiefs as tribute. The most valued part of the tribute was cattle, which the chief needed to build a large family, to obtain debt-clients, and as gifts to lineage heads and the young men who served as warriors. Thus, the political cohesiveness of chiefdoms was ultimately contingent on the chiefs’ abilities to control the flow of cattle and to supply these to local lineage heads and subchiefs. The political strategies that maintained stratification in the highlands varied between the different areas. On Kilimanjaro, politics among the Chagga was based on marriage arrangements, while in North Pare it was control of land and irrigation that were used for political purposes, and in South Pare and Usambara control over rain-making rituals provided the cultural justification for the centralization of power. Cattle were the main resource for implementing culturally defined political strategies. Their importance was exacerbated during the 19th century when increased political turmoil caused by participation in the coastal trade opened new avenues for access to wealth outside the kinship-based networks. As a result, new actors entered into competition for cattle and political power that resulted in increased tribute demands, as well as raiding and warfare.


Author(s):  
Ummi Sumbulah

<p>Javanese Islam has a character and a unique religious expressions. This is because the spread of Islam in Java, more dominant takes the form of acculturation, both absorbing and dialogical. The pattern of Islam and Javanese acculturation, as well as can be seen on the expression of the Java community, is also supported by the political power of Islamic kingdom of Java, especially Mataram which had brought Islam to the Javanese cosmology Hinduism and Buddhism. Although there are f luctuations in the relation of Islam to the Javanese culture, especially the era of the 19th century, but the face looks acculturative Javanese Islam dominant in almost every religious expressions Muslim communities in this region, so the aspect of ”syncretic” and tolerance of religions into one distinctive cultural character of Javanese Islam.</p> <p> </p> <p>Agama Islam di Jawa memiliki karakter dan ekspresi keberagamaan yang unik. Hal ini karena penyebaran Islam di Jawa, lebih dominan mengambil bentuk akultrasi, baik yang bersifat menyerap maupun dialogis. Pola akulturasi Islam dan budaya Jawa, di samping bisa dilihat pada ekspresi masyarakat Jawa, juga didukung dengan kekuasaan politik kerajaan Islam Jawa, terutama Mataram yang berhasil mempertemukan Islam Jawa dengan kosmologi Hinduisme dan Budhisme. Kendati ada fluktuasi relasi Islam dengan budaya Jawa terutama era abad ke 19-an, namun wajah Islam Jawa yang akulturatif terlihat dominan dalam hampir setiap ekspresi keberagamaan masyarakat muslim di wilayah ini, sehingga ”sinkretisme” dan toleransi agama-agama menjadi satu watak budaya yang khas bagi Islam Jawa.</p><br />


2002 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pak K. Auyeung

This study attempts to examine why western accounting was adopted in one Asian country, Japan, and not in another, China, when modern accounting methods were brought to the East during the mid-19th century. The explanation offered is socio-cultural. China was characterized by centralized political power, a society resistant to change, an anti-merchant policy and narrow-based learning. In contrast, Japan had dispersed structures of political power, a society receptive to change, a pro-merchant policy and broad-based learning. In China, the emphasis was to preserve harmony and integration in accord with mainstream Chinese ideology which had created a highly stable and tradition-oriented society. Chinese enterprises that operated within this institutional framework were unlikely to adopt western-style double-entry bookkeeping. In Japan there was no specifically institutionalized anti-capitalist doctrine to prevent the rise of industrialism and the adoption of modern accounting.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Leonam Liziero

This article aims to demonstrate that there were federative relations during the Empire of Brazil, with some reform during the regency period. The methodology used to measure the results focuses on the use of bibliographic sources from the 19th century and from more recent studies on the scope of the article. In addition, the use of documentary sources is present, since legislation of nineteenth-century Brazil is used, in particular, the Additional Act of 1834, which gives name to the present work. Although expressly provided for in the 1824 Political Charter that Brazil would constitute a Unitary State, in practice the increased regional concentration of political power led to a functioning situation such as a decentralized federal State. To this end, it begins with a brief demonstration of the antecedents of the Constitution of 1824. It then proceeds to treat the provision of this Constitution about the political organization to finally discuss the effects caused by the Additional Act of 1834.


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