scholarly journals Public Policy and Public Action in Africa, between Practical Norms, Political Dynamics and Outside Influences

2018 ◽  
pp. 7-23
Author(s):  
Philippe Lavigne Delville ◽  
Sylvie Ayimpam
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 354-360
Author(s):  
Iván Flores Godoy

  Uma Epistemologia das Políticas Públicas: elementos para a ação pública An Epistemology of Public Policy: elements for public action Una Epistemologia de las Políticas Públicas: elementos para la acción pública Une Épistémologie de la Politique Publique: éléments pour l'action publique   Obra: Políticas Públicas Formulación, implementación y evaluación Autor: André-Noël Roth Deubel Idioma: Espanhol Cidade: Bogotá Editora: Aurora Ano: 2002 14ª edição: 2019 Páginas: 296 ISBN-13: 978-958-9136-15-7


Author(s):  
Peter Knoepfel

This chapter provides advice on the practical application of the concepts relating to public action resources presented in the book. It proposes experience-based units for measuring each of the ten resources (and related indicators), a way of identifying the resource portfolios of public policy actors (mainly capable of demonstrating the differences between the resource portfolio at the disposal of each one of the three actors) and a standardized way of documenting resource exchanges. Finally, the chapter locates public action resource analysis within the context of comprehensive policy analysis studies based on a seven-point checklist.


Author(s):  
Peter Knoepfel

This chapter deals with 19 recent contributions from the literature, which aim to provide a systematic categorization of public policy resources (Meltsner, Clapham, Lapeyronnie, Lacam, Kiun, Davern, Lemieux, Newig, Söderlund, Blin, Sabatier & Weible, Hood & Margetts, Dowding, Vesan & Graziano, Sauer, Imbeau, Compston, Klüver and Dente). It concludes that all of the ten resources dealt with in the current book feature in this literature, that the value of resources is relative, and that the contributions by Dente, Compston, Hude & Margetts are closest to mine while those of Söderland, Davers and Meltsner differ most significantly from it. The chapter insists on the exchangeability, transferability and objectivability of public action resources and rejects the inclusion in the definition of personal, individual characteristics of the actors, to whom such resources belong. Furthermore, it stresses the observation that not only public actors but also civil society actors have public action resources.


2002 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 349-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
Todd Swanstrom ◽  
Peter Dreier ◽  
John Mollenkopf

In recent decades two broad trends in American society have been well–documented: rising income inequality and rising segregation of economic classes across space in metropolitan areas. The thesis of this article is that rising economic segregation is both a cause of rising economic inequality and amplifies its effects in ways that do not showup in the income statistics. The article synthesizes the evidence on the contextual effects of economic segregation in three areas: 1) jobs and income; 2) public services; and 3) retail services. Economic segregation does not only undermine equal opportunity, it also damages American democracy. Although more research is needed on the effects of economic segregation, the evidence is more than sufficient to call for public action.


Author(s):  
Peter Knoepfel

This chapter revisits the foundations of public policy analysis as presented in our previous textbook of 2011 (Knoepfel et al., 2011): the definition of public policies (distinction between substantive and institutional policies), the rejected notion of public action, causality models, actor triangles and resources. It adds some new perspectives on the relation between actors (political-administrative actors, target groups and beneficiaries) and their resources. Finally, it brings some clarification to the topic of the institutions, which are considered as the ‘rules of the game’, and introduces a list of possession, behavioural and decisional rules that feature in the constitutional and private law of Switzerland. The majority of these rules can also be found in other democratic political systems.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (263) ◽  
pp. 5-11
Author(s):  
Monica Heller

AbstractStarting in the early 1950s, the SSRC cultivated interdisciplinary research into the role of language in culture and thought through its Committees on Psycholinguistics and Sociolinguistics. Here, Monica Heller examines how the latter committee (1963–1979) helped establish sociolinguistics in the United States, investigating the tensions between language, culture, and inequality. In exploring how the committee shifted focus from the developing world to marginalized groups in the United States, Heller addresses how the research agendas of these scholarly structures are influenced by the political dynamics or ideologies of their time, in this case the Cold War and decolonization.


2021 ◽  
Vol Exaptriate (Varia) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mustapha Mnasfi

رامت هذه الدراسة، بناء على تجربة مجالس الشباب بالمغرب، تتبع تلكم العلاقة التي تربط بين فئة الشباب من جهة والسياسات العمومية من جهة أخرى. ولا شك أن طبيعة هذا البحث قد طرحت ثلة من الأسئلة التي تستدعي استقراء يمَّكن من الإجابة عنها، وهي من قبيل: ما أبرز التحولات الطارئة على فئة الشباب نتيجة انخراطهم في مجالس الشباب؟ وكيف لتلك الفئة أن تؤثر في السياسات العمومية المحلية؟إن الفرضية التي تنطلق منها الدراسة، بناء على تجربة مجلس الشباب لمدينة ورززات، مفادها أن الشباب الذين يعارضون استراتيجية سياسة عمومية محلية ينتهي بهم الأمر بقبول هذه الاستراتيجية بعد إدماجهم في تدبير هذه الأخيرة.ومن أجل تبيان ذلك، أجريت مجموعة من المقابلات النصف موجهة، ما بين شهري ماي/أيار 2017 وماي/أيار 2019، بحيث عقد لقاء مع ممثلي التنسيقية الوطنية لمجالس الشباب بالمغرب، فضلا عن ممثلي مجلس الشباب بمدينة ورززات، بالإضافة إلى مستشارين جماعيين بنفس المدينة. لقد أظهرت المعطيات الميدانية للدراسة، ما للشباب من قدرات على الانخراط في الأنشطة المرتبطة بالسياسات العمومية المحلية، غير أن ذلك الانخراط يعطي نتائج عكسية للدوافع التي من أجلها أسس هؤلاء الشباب مجلسهم. إذ بينت نتائج الدراسة، أن مجالس الشباب تساهم في خلق نوع من التقارب بين الشباب وممثلي السلطات العمومية على المستوى المحلي، مما يسهل دمج هذه الفئة في السياسات العمومية المحلية. بالمقابل، يساهم هذا الإدماج في تغيير وتوجيه مطالب فئة الشباب بعد إشراكهم في السياسات واللجان المحلية، كما يساهم ذلك في دفعهم إلى تبني خطاب مماثل لخطاب ممثلي السلطات العمومية المحلية. This article deals with youth councils, one of the mechanisms for participatory democracy established in Morocco. Their objective is to facilitate the full and active participation of young people in public policy design and implementation. This article specifically addresses the use made by different types of local actors of this facility. How do youth councils impact youth who are participating in these structures? How do youth manage to influence local policies? Those are the two main questions that we will try to answer in this paper. The link between youth and public policy is linked to the use made by young people of the public participation mechanism. In this sense, it is critical to try to understand how actors who openly challenge one or more aspect of the public intervention end up becoming actors themselves within that public policy. We will try to demonstrate, from the experience of a youth council established in the city of Ouarzazate, that young people challenging public interventions end up accepting the precise interventions they vehemently opposed once they start joining the formal participatory structures. This research is based on the collection of qualitative data from semidirect interviews with members of the national coalition of youth councils, with young people organized around the local youth council and with local elected officials in Ouarzazate. Field surveys show that young people organized around a socalledparticipatory mechanism can ensure their entry into local public action, but as a result, adopt a position at the opposite of what it originally was. This participatory mechanism manages to brings young people closer to government representatives and, as a result, impacts on their demands. The youth council’s process thus helps to mediate the approval of the official state discourse by young people who previously challengedlocal public action. Cet article porte sur un dispositif participatif mis en place au Maroc : les conseils des jeunes. Ceuxci ont pour objectif d’associer la jeunesse marocaine à l’élaboration des politiques publiques locales. Il vise à interroger les usages différenciés de ce dispositif par les acteurs de l’action publique locale. Comment les conseils des jeunes transforment les jeunes qui y participent, mais également comment ces derniers parviennentils à influencer l’action publique locale ? Telle est la question à laquelle nous voudrions présenter des éléments de réponse dans le cadre de cette recherche. La question du lien entre jeunes et politiques publiques est liée à l’usage des dispositifs publics par cette catégorie sociale. Dans ce sens il est important ici de chercher à comprendre comment des acteurs qui contestent ouvertement un ou plusieurs aspects de l’intervention publique finissent par devenir acteurs de cette même politique publique. L’hypothèse à démontrer dans ce cadre, à partir de l’expérience du conseil des jeunes de la ville de Ouarzazate, est que les jeunes qui contestent une stratégie d’une politique publique locale finissent par accepter cettestratégie suite à leur entrée dans l’action publique locale. Cette recherche s’appuie sur le recueil des données qualitatives issues d’entretiens semidirectifs réalisés entre mai 2017 et mai 2019 auprès des membres de la coordination nationale des conseils des jeunes, des jeunes mobilisésautour du conseil des jeunes et des élus locaux dans une ville ayant une situation socioéconomique différente des grandes métropoles marocaines: Ouarzazate. Les enquêtes de terrain montrent que les jeunes organisés autour d’un dispositif qualifié de participatif sont capables d’assurer leur entrée dans l’action publique locale, mais cela engendre des effets inverses à leur position de départ. Ce dispositif participatif ne permet que de rapprocher les jeunes des représentants des pouvoirs publics et de modifier, en conséquence, leurs revendications. Le dispositif du conseil des jeunes contribue ainsi à approuver le discours officiel par des jeunes qui contestaient auparavant une action publique locale.


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