scholarly journals Caroline Moser; Fiona Clark (orgs.), Victims, Perpetrators or Actors? Gender, Armed Conflict and Political Violence

2002 ◽  
pp. 145-148
Author(s):  
Tatiana Moura
2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann S. Masten

AbstractArticles in this timely Special Section represent an important milestone in the developmental science on children and youth involved in political violence and armed conflict. With millions of children worldwide affected by past and present wars and conflicts, there is an urgent and growing need for research to inform efforts to understand, prevent, and mitigate the possible harm of such violence to individual children, families, communities, and societies, for present as well as future generations. The four programs of research highlighted in this Special Section illustrate key advances and challenges in contemporary development research on young people growing up in the midst or aftermath of political violence. These studies are longitudinal, methodologically sophisticated, and grounded in socioecological systems models that align well with current models of risk and resilience in developmental psychopathology. These studies collectively mark a critically important shift to process-focused research that holds great promise for translational applications. Nonetheless, given the scope of the international crisis of children and youth affected by political violence and its sequelae, there is an urgent global need for greater mobilization of resources to support translational science and effective evidence-based action.


2017 ◽  
Vol 112 (2) ◽  
pp. 358-375 ◽  
Author(s):  
HANNES MUELLER ◽  
CHRISTOPHER RAUH

This article provides a new methodology to predict armed conflict by using newspaper text. Through machine learning, vast quantities of newspaper text are reduced to interpretable topics. These topics are then used in panel regressions to predict the onset of conflict. We propose the use of the within-country variation of these topics to predict the timing of conflict. This allows us to avoid the tendency of predicting conflict only in countries where it occurred before. We show that the within-country variation of topics is a good predictor of conflict and becomes particularly useful when risk in previously peaceful countries arises. Two aspects seem to be responsible for these features. Topics provide depth because they consist of changing, long lists of terms that make them able to capture the changing context of conflict. At the same time, topics provide width because they are summaries of the full text, including stabilizing factors.


Author(s):  
Cathal Nolan

Modern war is often defined as armed conflict within, between, or among states, although other political communities partake of war: ethnic and religious groups, ideological movements, terrorist organizations, large drug gangs, and other “non-state actors.” The narrowest meaning used by historians is war as the art and science and record of military operations. More general discourse sub-classifies war according to an ascending scale of participation—rebellion, insurrection, insurgency, guerrilla war, civil war, and regional war—culminating in three synonyms for armed conflict at the largest scale: systemic war, global war, and world war. War is also categorized by the types of weapons used to conduct it, as in the terms “conventional war” and “unconventional war.” A controversial distinction is made between limited war and total war, in which wars are typed by scope, the declared or discerned objectives of participants, and the degree to which militaries target civilians, enemy morale, or economic infrastructure. Social science literature defines a minimal threshold of mass political violence as war, as opposed to riot or other communal use of force, if deaths reach one thousand. That is an arbitrary definition, not universally accepted or normally employed by historians.


Focaal ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 2014 (69) ◽  
pp. 65-83
Author(s):  
Olga González

This article discusses the fate of dangerous memories of war associated with the “internal armed conflict” in Peru. It focuses on the Andean community of Sarhua in Ayacucho and their experiences with political violence as depicted in a collection of paintings, Piraq Causa (Who Is Still to Blame?). A close examination of this visual testimonio reveals that some dangerous memories have been denied representation. I suggest that these become silences and absences that give expression to a “traumatic gap”, which includes memories of fratricidal violence and the community's initial endorsement of the Maoist Shining Path. I argue that Piraq Causa reflects the magnified secrecy around events that the community agreed to deliberately “remember to forget”. In so doing, I also propose that the perceived gaps in the pictorial narrative provoke the unmasking of what is “secretly familiar” in Sarhua. To that extent, Piraq Causa exposes as much as it affirms the secrecy around traumatic memories of war.


Author(s):  
Duško Peulić

An early perception of pacifism was known even in Latium, a small area in Ancient Rome. Its meaning, in the language then spoken, arose from the word (ficus) that personifies the very coming into being of harmonious relations between nations (pax). In other words, the term portrays creation of peace on a continuum from complete to moderate resistance to armed conflict while different arguments of abstract, spiritual and scriptural nature defend its core. Pacifism maxim that war is wrong as killing is wrong belongs to the primary theory virtues that the paper will attempt to visualize in sections of absolute, deontological, and consequentialist conviction as well as that of contingent belief and civil rights movements. Another hallmark refers to pacifists’ belief in nonviolence as what only defends the innocent or prevents breaking out the conflict. The theory disapproves armed dispute; it simultaneously means moderate opposition and denial of cruelty in building peace. It is concentrated on overruling war and represents, at the core, a moral attitude calling upon political philosophy to uphold the principled negation of war. Violence nowadays is an inevitable part of life, but insisting that taking up arms is not a part of the solution is what permeates discourses too. 


Author(s):  
Ronald Edward Villamil Carvajal

El artículo aborda el análisis de una modalidad particular del fenómeno paramilitar en Colombia como son las prácticas paramilitares, comprendidas como la constitución de redes o alianzas criminales funcionales, cambiantes y coyunturales en la planeación, coordinación y perpetración de graves violaciones a los DDHH y al DIH. Se toma como epicentro del análisis el proceso de violencia política ocurrido entre los años 1982-1997 en el Alto Nordeste Antioqueño (conformado por los municipios de Remedios y Segovia), paradigmático de esta trayectoria particular del fenómeno paramilitar. La caracterización y análisis de las prácticas paramilitares amplían la comprensión acerca del proceso de conformación, expansión y consolidación de las estructuras paramilitares que se agruparon en la confederación de las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC).Palabras Clave: Conflicto armado interno, Violencia política, Memoria histórica, Remedios y Segovia, Paramilitarismo ABSTRACTPARAMILITARY PRACTICES IN THE ALTO NORDESTE ANTIOQUEÑOThe article deals with the analysis of a particular modality of the paramilitary phenomenon in Colombia, such as paramilitary practices, including the constitution of functional, changing and conjunctural criminal networks or alliances in the planning, coordination and perpetration of serious violations of human rights and IHL . The epicenter of the analysis is the political violence that occurred between 1982 and 1997 in the Alto Nordeste Antioquioqueño (made up of the municipalities of Remedios and Segovia), paradigmatic of this particular trajectory of the paramilitary phenomenon. The characterization and analysis of paramilitary practices broaden the understanding of the process of conformation, expansion and consolidation of the paramilitary structures that were grouped in the confederation of the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC).Key Words: Internal armed conflict, Political violence, Historical memory, Remedios and Segovia, Paramilitarism


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-40
Author(s):  
Ergun Cakal

The line that refugee status is of a purely ‘civilian and humanitarian’ character cannot be strictly maintained. It has become commonplace to point out the dangers posed to the general refugee population due to the presence of combatants in or within the proximity of a refugee camp, where a separation of civilian and non-civilian elements may indeed be deemed necessary. Forgoing the scholarship pertaining to the context of the refugee camp, which has absorbed most of the attention in this area, this paper will focus on the de jure legitimacy of a combatant seeking asylum, particularly away from the conflict zone. In light of this, there is a firm need to redraw the distinctions in this area and to account for the lack of dependence to and deference of international refugee law towards humanitarian law. There remain definitional and interpretative complexities that prevent a clear implementation of rules, particularly in non-international armed conflict. While the concern in not tarnishing asylum regimes is a legitimate one, it must be admitted that losing sight of the individuality and diversity of combatants and their motive, as occurs in the current discourse, is also erosive of protection needs and political rights, primarily the right to self-determination.


Author(s):  
Martha Cecilia Herrera ◽  
Carol Pertuz Bedoya

Since the first decade of the 21st century, efforts have intensified in Colombia to position the discourses and practices addressing the recent history of political violence and armed conflict as part of national public memory. In this context, the victims and their memories occupy a central role in efforts to make sense of the country’s recent past. During this same decade, a specific policy of memory was implemented and has challenged how the field of education educates citizens in order to strengthen democratic processes and foster a culture of peace. The interpellations of public policy to the educational field also concern the teaching of the recent past and are based on a social pedagogy of memory. This element, which finds an important foundation from the perspective of the historicization of the present time, constitutes an ethical and political imperative of education at the same time that it represents significant challenges; above all, if it starts from recognizing that thinking of the recent past from education, intending to build peace, involves looking toward the future that must be built from the present of new generations.


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