scholarly journals Inclusión laboral de los desmovilizados del conflicto armado en Colombia

Author(s):  
Laura Andrea Cristancho ◽  
Adriana Otálora Buitrago

El presente artículo tiene como objetivo primordial analizar la inclusión laboral de los desmovilizados del conflicto armado en Colombia, a partir de los acuerdos de paz que se han firmado en los últimos gobiernos con dos de los grandes grupos al margen de la ley en Colombia. En primer lugar, se expone un panorama general de la violencia en el país. En segundo lugar, se presentan algunas características de la economía colombiana y los procesos de reinserción a la vida civil de los excombatientes. Luego, se describe el proceso de vinculación laboral de los excombatientes desde dos perspectivas, la incorporación en empresas y, la formación de empresa. Finalmente, se expone la situación de empleo y desempleo de la población de interés.The main objective of this article is to analyse the labour inclusion of demobilized people in the armed conflict in Colombia, based on the peace agreements that were signed in past governments with two of the large illegal groups in Colombia. First, a general description of the violence in the country is presented. Secondly, some characteristics of the Colombian economy and the ex-combatants’ reinsertion processes in civilian life. Then, it describes the process of ex-combatants’ connection with working life from two perspectives, the incorporation into companies and, on the other hand, formation of companies. Finally, the situation of employment and unemployment of the population of interest is explained.

2016 ◽  
pp. 307-328
Author(s):  
Sinthya Rubio Escolar

Violence against children and youth in war causes severe damage to individuals, communities and societies. This chapter aims to demonstrate the importance of reparations for children and youth as a peacebuilding mechanism in the context of transitional justice. On one hand, the chapter seeks to address reparations for children and youth understood as a political project, with a transformative and participatory potential for rebuilding societies and healing the wounds of those who have been affected by armed conflict. On the other hand, the paper attempts to overcome the conception of children and youth as passive victims, providing them with agency to become engaged political members in building peaceful societies. Thus, reparations should position them as subjects of rights, giving them voice as contributors in peacebuilding processes.


1926 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-256
Author(s):  
Charles Cheney Hyde

Naval fleets are maintained by development and replacement because their possessors dare not fail to make provision for a maritime war in which they may be participants. No means yet devised and accepted for the amicable adjustment of international differences have removed from responsible statesmen a sense of the necessity of anticipating such a contingency. Despite increasing efforts in every quarter to cultivate wills for peace and abhorrence of armed conflict, as well as a desire to adjust grave differences by judicial process or through commissions of conciliation, war is still regarded as a contingency which must be reckoned with, and as one which is as dangerous as it is seemingly remote. In making provision as against a contingency which none would welcome or hasten, the governments of maritime states do not necessarily encourage war or indicate approval of recourse to it. A particular conference of maritime states may in fact uplift the hopes of prospective belligerents which resent and oppose agreements restricting recourse to measures and instrumentalities on which they expect to rely. On the other hand, general arrangements respecting belligerent activities may serve to lessen a zeal for war and to remove its very approach further from the horizon. Everything depends upon the ambitions of the states which consent to confer. The point to be observed is that agreements for the regulation of maritime war in so far as they purport to proscribe or check the use of particular instrumentalities or recourse to particular measures, are not to be deemed bellicose in design or effect. Such regulatory agreements are advocates of peace rather than of war. Moreover, as will be seen, they may be the means of encouraging states to reduce armaments which would otherwise be maintained.


1992 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph R. Roach

In recent critical theory, the word performance has undergone a significant expansion, some would say an inflation. As the Editor's Note to the May issue of PMLA (“Special Topic: Performance”) observes, “What once was an event has become a critical category, now applied to everything from a play to a war to a meal. The performative … is a cultural act, a critical perspective, a political intervention.” Theatre historians will perhaps greet such pronouncements with mixed emotions. On one hand, they may welcome the acknowledgment by the principal organ of the Modern Language Association that performance (as opposed to drama merely) can count for so much. On the other hand, they may wonder what exactly is intended by the conceptual leap that takes performance beyond the established theatrical genres to encompass armed conflict and comestibles.


2009 ◽  
Vol 91 (875) ◽  
pp. 547-565 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Willms

AbstractAt first glance, merely the ‘ordering’ of displacement seems to be prohibited in non-international armed conflict. However, after interpreting Article 17(1) AP II and Rule 129(B) of the ICRC Customary Law Study with particular regard to State practice and opinio juris, the author concludes that these norms prohibit forced displacement regardless of whether it is ordered or not. On the other hand, the ICC Elements of Crimes for the crime of forced displacement under Article 8(2)(e)(viii) ICC Statute require an order. It remains to be seen whether the ICC adopts that interpretation in its jurisprudence.


Author(s):  
Sinthya Rubio Escolar

Violence against children and youth in war causes severe damage to individuals, communities and societies. This chapter aims to demonstrate the importance of reparations for children and youth as a peacebuilding mechanism in the context of transitional justice. On one hand, the chapter seeks to address reparations for children and youth understood as a political project, with a transformative and participatory potential for rebuilding societies and healing the wounds of those who have been affected by armed conflict. On the other hand, the paper attempts to overcome the conception of children and youth as passive victims, providing them with agency to become engaged political members in building peaceful societies. Thus, reparations should position them as subjects of rights, giving them voice as contributors in peacebuilding processes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. e58909
Author(s):  
Flávia Foresto Porto da Costa

Criadas em 1994 como uma confederação de exércitos privados colombianos, as Autodefesas Unidas da Colômbia (AUC) marcaram uma expansão do paramilitarismo e um recrudescimento do conflito armado naquele país, tendo sido atuantes até seu processo de desmobilização, em 2002. Buscando compreender as origens, a organização e os discursos desse fenômeno paramilitar, o presente trabalho realiza uma pesquisa bibliográfica e documental que inclui, entre outros, os documentos originais das AUC e entrevistas com suas principais lideranças. Verifica-se que as AUC constituíram, por um lado, uma continuidade em relação ao paramilitarismo das doutrinas contrainsurgentes da Guerra Fria e aos grupos de civis armados financiados por narcotraficantes e proprietários de terra do final dos anos 70, e, por outro, um ponto de inflexão da estratégia paramilitar na Colômbia, quando esses exércitos buscam se projetar como atores políticos e independentes diante da opinião pública, buscando imitar pelo avesso a retórica e as estruturas guerrilheiras.Palavras-Chave: Paramilitarismo; Contrainsurgência; Colômbia.ABSTRACTCreated in 1994 as a confederation of Colombian private armies, the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) marked an expansion of paramilitary and a renewed armed conflict in that country, having been active until its demobilization process in 2002. Seeking to understand the origins, the organization and the speeches of this paramilitary phenomenon, the present work conducts a bibliographic and documentary research that includes, among others, the original documents of the AUC and interviews with its main leaders. It appears that the AUC constituted, on the one hand, a continuity in relation to the paramilitarism of counterinsurgent Cold War doctrines and groups of armed civilians financed by drug traffickers and landowners in the late 1970s, and, on the other hand, a point inflection of the paramilitary strategy in Colombia, when these armies seek to project themselves as political and independent actors before the public opinion, trying to imitate the rhetoric and guerrilla structures inside out.Keywords: Paramilitarism; Counterinsurgency; Colombia. Recebido em: 04/04/2021 | Aceito em: 09/06/2021. 


Author(s):  
James J. Broomall

How did the Civil War, emancipation, and Reconstruction shape the masculinity of white Confederate veterans? As James J. Broomall shows, the crisis of the war forced a reconfiguration of the emotional worlds of the men who took up arms for the South. Raised in an antebellum culture that demanded restraint and shaped white men to embrace self-reliant masculinity, Confederate soldiers lived and fought within military units where they experienced the traumatic strain of combat and its privations together--all the while being separated from suffering families. Military service provoked changes that escalated with the end of slavery and the Confederacy's military defeat. Returning to civilian life, Southern veterans questioned themselves as never before, sometimes suffering from terrible self-doubt. Drawing on personal letters and diaries, Broomall argues that the crisis of defeat ultimately necessitated new forms of expression between veterans and among men and women. On the one hand, war led men to express levels of emotionality and vulnerability previously assumed the domain of women. On the other hand, these men also embraced a virulent, martial masculinity that they wielded during Reconstruction and beyond to suppress freed peoples and restore white rule through paramilitary organizations and the Ku Klux Klan.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 588-618 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elijah Oluwatoyin Okebukola

This article considers the question of criminal liability for training child soldiers. None of the legal instruments prohibiting recruitment and use of child soldiers expressly relates to training child soldiers. This raises the question, on the one hand, whether a trainer can be held liable for training as a distinct offence from recruiting or using child soldiers. On the other hand, it raises the question whether a trainer is necessarily liable for recruitment or use of child soldiers. In an attempt to answer these questions, this article highlights the distinct factual and legal differences between recruitment, training and use of child soldiers. This exercise demonstrates that the law is not clear on the criminal liability of a trainer especially if the trainer is not factually involved in recruitment or use of child soldiers. The article concludes that the express clarification of the nature and extent of criminal liability for training child soldiers will improve the legal regimes for the protection of children in armed conflict.


1984 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 168-189 ◽  

Karl Freudenberg (he did not use the name Johann) notably exemplified the correlation between chemical eminence and longevity. He was born a contemporary of Michel Eugène Chevreul, who was himself for some years contemporary with Joseph Black. It was observed of Chevreul that he worked as if he had all the time in the world, but Providence vouchsafed him just that. Freudenberg, on the other hand, laboured strenuously and fruitfully all through a long working life.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Lissette Andrea Mondaca Becerra

This article analyses the use of the approximators como and como que in Chilean Spanish, and the link between their approximative semantic value and pragmatic mitigation. Previous works have given the marker como an approximative value (Mihatsch, 2009, 2010; Jørgensen and Stenstrøm 2009; Jørgensen, 2011; Holmvik, 2011; Kornfeld, 2013; Kern, 2014; Jiménez and Flores-Ferrán, 2018), and also a mitigating one (Puga, 1997; Briz, 1998; Jørgensen, 2011; Holmvik, 2011; Kornfeld, 2013, Panussis, 2016; Mondaca, 2017; Panussis and San Martín, 2017). Thus, the objective here is to analyze the relationship between semantic approximation and pragmatic mitigation through these particles, in order to establish whether all those approximative uses of como and como que also perform a mitigating function. Likewise, this paper seeks to propose a general description of those contexts that motivate Chilean speakers to approximate and mitigate their discourse through como and como que. For this purposes, 24 sociolinguistic interviews extracted from the corpus compiled in the Fondecyt Project 11110211 have been used. The main results show that como is a semantic approximator that, in those contexts where the speaker seeks to safeguard his or her face, acquires a pragmatic mitigation function, while como que, on the other hand, is a particle which predominant function is to mitigate.


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