The Fashionable Functions Reloaded

Author(s):  
Steffen Roth ◽  
Carlton Clark ◽  
Jan Berkel

Using the updated Google Book corpus dataset generated in July 2012, we analyze the largest available corpus of digitalized books to review social macro trends such as the secularization, politicization, economization, and mediatization of society. These familiar trend statements are tested through a comparative analysis of word frequency time-series plots for the English, French, and German language area produced by means of the enhanced Google Ngram Viewer, the online graphing tool that charts annual word counts as found in the Google Book corpus. The results: a) confirm that the importance of the political system, religion, economy, and mass media features significant change in time and considerable regional differences and b) suggest that visions of economized or capitalist societies are intellectual artifacts rather than appropriate descriptions of society.

2015 ◽  
pp. 177-203
Author(s):  
Steffen Roth

Computer communication is revolutionizing modern society to the same extend as the invention of writing or the printing press have unsettled the archaic or the ancient society, respectively. In the present article, this idea will be exemplified by a demonstration of how the Google Ngram viewer – an online graphing tool which charts annual counts of words or sentences as found in the largest available corpus of digitalized books – allows for checks and challenges of familiar self-definitions of modern society. As functional differentiation is considered the central unique feature of modern societies, the hypotheses focus on the testing of prominent modern trend statements and predictions, such as the secularization, politicization, economization, and mediatization of society. All hypotheses are tested through a comparative analysis of word frequency time-series plots produced by means of the Google Ngram Viewer. The results show that the importance of individual function systems to society features significant change in time and considerable regional differences. Furthermore, the findings suggest adopting a skeptical position on some of the most frequent common senses of trends in functional differentiation and corresponding self-definitions of society.


Author(s):  
Annelise Russell ◽  
Maraam Dwidar ◽  
Bryan D. Jones

Scholars across politics and communication have wrangled with questions aimed at better understanding issue salience and attention. For media scholars, they found that mass attention across issues was a function the news media’s power to set the nation’s agenda by focusing attention on a few key public issues. Policy scholars often ignored the media’s role in their effort to understand how and why issues make it onto a limited political agenda. What we have is two disparate definitions describing, on the one hand, media effects on individuals’ issue priorities, and on the other, how the dynamics of attention perpetuate across the political system. We are left with two notions of agenda setting developed independently of one another to describe media and political systems that are anything but independent of one another. The collective effects of the media on our formal institutions and the mass public are ripe for further, collaborative research. Communications scholars have long understood the agenda setting potential of the news media, but have neglected to extend that understanding beyond its effects on mass public. The link between public opinion and policy is “awesome” and scholarship would benefit from exploring the implications for policy, media, and public opinion. Both policy and communication studies would benefit from a broadened perspective of media influence. Political communication should consider the role of the mass media beyond just the formation of public opinion. The media as an institution is not effectively captured in a linear model of information signaling because the public agenda cannot be complete without an understanding of the policymaking agenda and the role of political elites. And policy scholars can no longer describe policy process without considering the media as a source of disproportionate allocation of attention and information. The positive and negative feedback cycles that spark or stabilize the political system are intimately connected to policy frames and signals produced by the media.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-281
Author(s):  
Carlos Moreno Azqueta ◽  

In this paper we present a large-scale comparative analysis model for videogames in which the player manages the development of a political community, which we will call «government simulators». The model, built upon political-science literature and other analytical models for videogames, uses a set of operationalized variables to synthesize the components of the political system represented in games, as well as the structure of objectives and other elements that guide the player’s action, to finally compare them with a set of independent variables. The model will be tested by applying it to three famous government simulators that have received notable academic attention (Civilization V, Tropico IV and Frostpunk), to finally discuss its advantages and limitations.


1977 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 1544-1560 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel D. Aberbach

This article, drawing on recent studies of class consciousness and powerlessness explained in individual versus system level terms, develops and analyzes an operational measure of “power consciousness.” Power consciousness is defined as a person's evaluation of his or her political power position and his or her explanation of the causes of any inadequacies or advantages perceived in this position. The operational measure of power consciousness arrays responses to two items on political power satisfaction (one of them open-ended) along a dimension which ranges from satisfaction, to dissatisfaction ascribed to personal failures of the respondent, to dissatisfaction explained in terms of problems with the political system. Survey data are utilized for a comparative analysis of whites' and blacks' scores on the power consciousness measure. The following topics receive detailed attention: the place of power consciousness in the matrix of power measures; its relationship to background factors, especially level of education; its relationship to indicators of political discontent; and the impact of power consciousness on levels and styles of political behavior. The analysis is followed by suggestions for the development of future work in this area.


2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Íñigo Errejón ◽  
Juan Guijarro

The current governments of Ecuador and Bolivia came to power after across-the-board crises of the political system. One of their immediate challenges is to consolidate the hegemony forged in the struggles against the neoliberal state. However, the allegiances created through the conflict are hard to transfer to an institutionalization of the new correlation of forces, and some groups have experienced disenchantment with the progressive governments. A comparative analysis of the hegemonic transition in the two cases suggests that, in contrast to that of Bolivia’s Movimiento al Socialismo, the hegemonic capacity of Ecuador’s electoral alliance, weakly organized and centered around the charismatic leadership of an “outsider,” depends more on its ability to dismantle possible opponents than on the appeal of its official identity, forcing it into constant reaffirmation of political boundaries. Los actuales gobiernos de Ecuador y Bolivia llegaron al poder después de las crisis exhaustivas del sistema político. Uno de sus desafíos inmediatos es consolidar la hegemonía forjada en las luchas contra el Estado neoliberal. Sin embargo, las alianzas creadas por el conflicto son difíciles de transferir a una institucionalización de la nueva correlación de fuerzas, y algunos grupos han experimentado el desencanto con los gobiernos progresistas. Un análisis comparativo de la transición hegemónica en los dos casos sugiere que, en contraste con la capacidad hegemónica del Movimiento al Socialismo de Bolivia, lo de la alianza electoral de Ecuador, débilmente organizada y centrada en el liderazgo carismático de un “desconocido,” depende más de su capacidad para desmantelar posibles adversarios que de la apelación de su identidad oficial, lo que obligó a la reafirmación constante de las fronteras políticas.


Politeia ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrei V Grinëv

This article is devoted to a comparative analysis of the socioeconomic systems that have formed in the Russian colonies in Alaska and in the USSR. The author shows how these systems evolved and names the main reason for their similarity: the nature of the predominant type of property. In both systems, supreme state property dominated and, in this way, they can be designated as politaristic. Politarism (from the Greek ????????—the power of the majority, that is, in a broad sense, the state, the political system) is formation founded on the state’s supreme ownership of the basic means of production and the work force. Economic relations of politarism generated the corresponding social structure, administrative management, ideological culture, and even similar psychological features in Russian America and the USSR.


2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-479 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ioana Coman ◽  
Peter Gross

In Romania, the political system, itself an amalgam of systems and still shifting in line with a continually evolving democracy, is only the vessel in which corruption is percolating and not the cause of it; culture is the cause. This is true of the very nature of how instrumentalization, clientelism, and political parallelism have evolved. Romanian clientelism and the political parallelism are often an expression of the powers of the manager-journalist or star journalists and not only of media owners and politicians. This may set the Romania mass media system apart from other systems.


1988 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vernon Bogdanor

‘FEDERALISM’, CLAIMED THE SWISS PHILOSOPHER, DENIS DE Rougemont, ‘rests upon the love of complexity, by contrast with the brutal simplicity which characterises the totalitarian spirit’. It would be hard to deny that complexity is the most striking feature of federal government in Switzerland. To comprehend it fully, one would have to analyse the history, politics and atmosphere of each of the twenty-six cantons, for each is a political system in itself; and there is no such animal as a ‘typical’ canton. Political scientists have studied one or two cantons in some depth, and there are also impressionistic accounts of cantonal life, but there is no really satisfactory comparative analysis of the cantons as a whole. Further, many Swiss cantons are ‘closed' societies, difficult for the foreigner to penetrate and not easily accessible to the academic inquirer. The political scientist needs to acquire the skills of the anthropologist in addition to those of the analyst of political institutions if he is to make headway. It is difficult, therefore, to give anything more than a very general impression of the principles lying behind federal government in Switzerland, an impression which is bound to be, to some degree at least, misleading. For of no country more than Switzerland is it more correct to say that the truth lies in the minute particulars and not in generalities.The complexity of Swiss federalism is a consequence of the fact that the Swiss have embraced more completely than any other democracy that essential principle, the leitmotiv, of federalism — the sharing of power. Switzerland is indeed an extreme example of federalism, just as it is an extreme example of the application of the principles of democracy and of neutrality in foreign affairs.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 127
Author(s):  
Dina Nurhidayati

Public services provided by government have been an intensively researched topic. Not much literature addresses principle of accountability in digital public service innovation. This study aims to identify the extent which accountability can be promoted in the utilization of digital public complaints services, using descriptive qualitative methods with Bovens Model accountability function approach. In the form of a comparative study to compare unit of analysis as public service innovation handling digital based complaints UPIK and Qlue. The results of study were carried out after a comparison of accountability analysis, based on indicators of digital based public service accountability functions. The findings are: First, accountability influenced by four functions,(1)Democratic control,(2)Guarantees,(3)Learning, (4)Performance. Second, different periods of leadership influence the dynamics of accountability development. In conclusion, accountability function embedded by Qlue was being able to cutdown bureaucrats efficiently, in addition to the political system, leadership commitment and dynamic user existence. The quality of the UPIK system is still below Qlue, but UPIK's accountability capacity is more consistent in fulfilling the elements to promote accountability through effective complaints handling mechanisms. Not only more modern facilities, the performance of program that have supported by models and appropriate complaints handling mechanisms also capable of promoting accountable organizations.


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