The Role of Effective Communication on Economic Development

Author(s):  
Hasan Dinçer ◽  
Emrecan Aracı

The process of financial liberalization draws attention as a process that took place after the 1980s and led by the strong countries, in order to overcome the narrowing in the economies of the world countries which have become polarized because of the Second World War and the Cold War period immediately following the Second World War. In this chapter, firstly, the definition of the financial liberalization period and the effects according to the countries are examined, while the risk and crisis issues are also evaluated. Economic and political crises that have occurred in Turkey after the financial liberalization process in ongoing part of the study also were assessed by considering the effects on the economy. In this context, the economic and political crisis in Turkey are analyzed as to their effects on the country's economic performance. Accordingly, every 10 years, an economic and political crisis in Turkey took place. The country's economy is affected negatively in the macro-frame.

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Tomislav Topolovčan ◽  
Snježana Dubovicki

Using a theoretical-critical and historical approach, this paper analyses the implications of the Cold War in national curricula and educational reforms of the second half of the 20th century with emphasis on the 21st century. The context of the time after the Second World War and the beginning of the Cold War is shown, as well as the social and political changes that are significant for education and were prompted by the wars. The emergence of the international Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) (whose focus is not educational but economic) and the role of behavioural psychology were also analysed, which explained their significance in later educational reforms. The role of the Cold War in reducing socio-humanistic teaching contents and the implementation of natural sciences and mathematics has also been explained. The synthesis of the analysed aspects suggests that the Cold War military and technological race resulted in the implementation of the STEM area, thus the measurability of learning outcomes, which influenced the psychologisation, standardisation, economisation, and globalisation of education. Most of the current (un)successful national educational and curricular reforms were initiated in that direction without respect for the social, cultural, and historical features of individual countries. These changes have left a mark in pedagogy, in which the humanistic approach appears to counteract other approaches. Some educational systems demonstrate a shift from such trends, from the technical-scientific curriculum towards the didactic tradition of Bildung and the philosophy of education. The reasons can be found in the above-average results on international standardised evaluations of those countries that have national curricula, in contrast to what is recommended by the globalisation and standardisation of education as some of the elements of the Cold War heritage.


2021 ◽  
Vol VI (II) ◽  
pp. 9-16
Author(s):  
Shabnam Gul ◽  
Muhammad Faizan Asghar ◽  
Zahid Akbar

The character of warfare has remained constant however its nature has been changing from time to time over the last twenty years. The traditional definition of warfare, explaining an exceptionally coordinated and prepared involvement of powers in the conflict, such as the Second World War, have become old fashioned and irrelevant. The Intelligence operations were moderately clear and defined through the Cold War era. There were two defined adversaries, both were superpowers, and existential dangers to public safety, both political and military (counting atomic), were generally straightforward. Indeed, even psychological warfare was 'less complex' as it was focused on a targeted audience and state associations utilizing strategies were notable. The post- 9/11 world is facing new and complex difficulties especially with regards to nature of warfare which has become Hybrid as well as countering techniques in terms of Intelligence operations.


Author(s):  
Simon Usherwood ◽  
John Pinder

‘What the EU is for’ explores the development of the European Community (EC). For France and Germany, finding a way to live together in a durable peace was a fundamental political priority that the EC was designed to serve. As the Second World War recedes into a more distant past, the motive of peace and security remains a powerful influence on governments and politicians of many member states—and peace could only succeed with adequate economic performance. There are two main explanations for the phenomenon of the EC and EU. One emphasizes the role of member states and their intergovernmental dealings; the other gives greater weight to the European institutions.


Author(s):  
Erika Fischer-Lichte

The book is devoted to the remarkable phenomenon of Greek tragedy’s endurance on German stages during the last 200 years. It examines how performances of Greek tragedies since 1800 contributed to the emergence, stabilization, and transformation of the German Bildungsbürgertum’s (educated middle class) cultural identity. Its focus lies on performances that either introduced a new theatre aesthetics or a new image of ancient Greece, or both. Key here are the truly transformative moments as well as the cultural dynamics involved. In this context, the overall political situation of the 200 years between the French Revolution and the peaceful revolution of 1989 in the German Democratic Republic plays a central role. It resulted in the reunification of the two German states, both founded in 1949 in the aftermath of the Second World War and at the beginning of the cold war. What was/is the purpose and role of performances of Greek tragedies in such a political climate? Did they help to bring about changes or did they result from changes that were already taking place? Were the performances seen to be welcoming, opposing, or even negating these changes? This study supplies answers to these questions by shedding some light on the underexplored relationship between the Philhellenism and the theatromania of the German Bildungsbürgertum, which has been brought into a sharper focus in performances of ancient Greek tragedies since the beginning of the nineteenth century. In short, it attempts to understand tragedy’s endurance.


Author(s):  
Jeff Crisp

This chapter provides a historical perspective on the role of the United Nations in the areas of humanitarian action and coordination. It examines the UN’s emerging engagement in this domain in the aftermath of the Second World War, as well as the growth of the organization’s humanitarian role during the period of decolonization in the 1960s and 1970s. The chapter argues that the end of the Cold War created a humanitarian landscape that was more complex and dangerous than had previously been the case, giving rise to a range of acute policy dilemmas in relation to the protection and provision of assistance to refugees, displaced people, and other civilians. The chapter suggests that effective interagency coordination has been a chronic challenge for the UN in the humanitarian realm and provides a critical review of the different organizational arrangements that have been established to address this concern.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 281-297
Author(s):  
Tito Carvalho

Abstract Theodosius Dobzhansky has been studied for how he integrated field naturalism and laboratory experimentation in ways that helped produce the Modern Synthesis, as well as how he leveraged biological expertise to support liberal and cosmopolitan values amidst Second World War and the Cold War. Moreover, Dobzhansky has been central in analyses of the institutionalization of genetics in Brazil, where he spent several years. This article situates Dobzhansky’s Brazilian research within the science of variation and the politics of diversity. I conclude by raising questions about how the ways in which science figured in politics depended on ideas about the role of scientists in society whichwere advanced in parallel, suggesting research on the “co-production” of natural and social orders.


Author(s):  
David Hardiman

Much of the recent surge in writing about the practice of nonviolent forms of resistance has focused on movements that occurred after the end of the Second World War, many of which have been extremely successful. Although the fact that such a method of civil resistance was developed in its modern form by Indians is acknowledged in this writing, there has not until now been an authoritative history of the role of Indians in the evolution of the phenomenon.The book argues that while nonviolence is associated above all with the towering figure of Mahatma Gandhi, 'passive resistance' was already being practiced as a form of civil protest by nationalists in British-ruled India, though there was no principled commitment to nonviolence as such. The emphasis was on efficacy, rather than the ethics of such protest. It was Gandhi, first in South Africa and then in India, who evolved a technique that he called 'satyagraha'. He envisaged this as primarily a moral stance, though it had a highly practical impact. From 1915 onwards, he sought to root his practice in terms of the concept of ahimsa, a Sanskrit term that he translated as ‘nonviolence’. His endeavors saw 'nonviolence' forged as both a new word in the English language, and as a new political concept. This book conveys in vivid detail exactly what such nonviolence entailed, and the formidable difficulties that the pioneers of such resistance encountered in the years 1905-19.


Author(s):  
Mark Edele

This chapter turns to the present and explains the implications of the current study for the ongoing debate about the Soviet Union in the Second World War and in particular about the role of loyalty and disloyalty in the Soviet war effort. It argues that this study strengthens those who argue for a middle position: the majority of Soviet citizens were neither unquestioningly loyal to the Stalinist regime nor convinced resisters. The majority, instead, saw their interests as distinct from both the German and the Soviet regime. Nevertheless, ideology remains important if we want to understand why in the Soviet Union more resisted or collaborated than elsewhere in Europe and Asia.


2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
PERTTI AHONEN

This article analyses the process through which the dangers posed by millions of forced migrants were defused in continental Europe after the Second World War. Drawing on three countries – West Germany, East Germany and Finland – it argues that broad, transnational factors – the cold war, economic growth and accompanying social changes – were crucial in the process. But it also contends that bloc-level and national decisions, particularly those concerning the level of autonomous organisational activity and the degree and type of political and administrative inclusion allowed for the refugees, affected the integration process in significant ways and helped to produce divergent national outcomes.


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (6) ◽  
pp. 1065-1082 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mila Dragojević

This article examines the role of the intergenerational memory of the Second World War (WWII) in identity formation and political mobilization. An existing explanation in the ethnic-conflict literature is that strategic political leaders play a crucial role in constructing and mobilizing ethnic identities. However, based on 114 open-ended interviews with individuals born in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croatia, conducted in Serbia during 2008–2011, nearly a third of the respondents make spontaneous references to WWII in their statements, usually drawing parallels between the cycle of violence in the 1990s and that in the 1940s. The question this article asks, then, is why some respondents make references to WWII spontaneously while others do not. It is argued that intergenerational narratives of past cycles of violence also constitute a process of identity formation, in addition to, or apart from, other processes of identity formation. The respondents mention WWII violence in the context of the 1990s events because they “recognize” elements, such as symbols, discourse or patterns of violence, similar to those in the intergenerational narratives and interpret them as warning signs. Hence, individuals who had previously been exposed to intergenerational narratives may be subsequently more susceptible to political mobilization efforts.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document