Intelligent Citizenship Assistants for Distributed Governance

2011 ◽  
pp. 1555-1565
Author(s):  
Gustavo A. Gimenez-Lugo ◽  
Cesar Augusto Tacla ◽  
Jomi Fred Hubner ◽  
Andrea B. Wozniak-Gimenez

One of the main reasons for lower levels of participation in the political arena by the common citizen is the apprehended distance from actions such as representative election to perceived change. People feel that they have less and less power to exercise. Impotence leaves to indifference (“it doesn’t matter who will I choose ... anyway they won’t care/change thinks that I consider important”). More and more technology may put another bureaucratic barrier between people and their legitimate right to exercise power: citizenship. Politics is the process of formation, distribution, and exercise of power (Bobbio, Matteucci & Pasquino, 1983). In this sense, the term e-democracy (Riley & Riley, 2003) has emerged as the goal to be reached by our technology. It is defined by Clift (2004) as the use of information and communication technologies and strategies by democratic actors within political and governance processes of local communities, nations and on the international stage. Such democratic actors/sectors include governments, elected officials, the media, political organizations, and citizen/voters. The first steps towards e-democracy (i.e., the current e-government frameworks), even though the efforts taken, are mostly centralized (Bicharra Garcia, Pinto, & Ferraz, 2004; Clift, 2004; Macintosh, 2004; Macintosh & McKay-Hubbard, 2004). Furthermore, the information they provide about government decisions and acts and their consequences are presented as (mostly) unproven facts. It is often difficult for the common citizen to check whether the myriad of data and their sources are even legitimate, not to say legal or fare. Certainly, political confidence and faith (even though mediated by technology) have some limits, to say the less. If technology is to be put for a good use it has to be not only accessible to the common citizen, he/she has to feel and exercise power not only through voting on candidates or accessing some services online. Currently, there are two aspects considered as the main targets of e-government technologies (Riley & Riley, 2003): • E-Voting: Taking part in elections or other ballots • E-Participation: Allowing degrees of access to policy decision making Thus, for the citizen the actual range of possible actions is rather narrow. Our democratic societies require bridging a gap between current IT based Democracy and well established democratic practices. A suitable option is to be served by democracy enabler social software, allowing a new dimension: • E-Enaction-and-Alterity: Collective planning, monitoring, awareness, and enforcement of already set actions and decisions made by representatives and public institutions Such an approach tries to incorporate and extend the idea presented by Clift (2003) as “e-democracy + public net-work” and illustrated in Figure 1. Seeking for direct citizen/stakeholder/leadership involvement, this new dimension, along with the e-voting and e-participation, can be implemented with decentralized digital citizenship systems (DCS), composed by intelligent citizenship assistants (CAs). Such systems can create an extended channel to restore the capillarity of power back to the citizens. We will now discuss some aspects that are to be explored in the quest that may (hopefully) lead to implement DCS in the near future.

Author(s):  
G. A. Gimenez-Lugo ◽  
C. A. Tacla ◽  
J.F. Hubner

One of the main reasons for lower levels of participation in the political arena by the common citizen is the apprehended distance from actions such as representative election to perceived change. People feel that they have less and less power to exercise. Impotence leaves to indifference (“it doesn’t matter who will I choose ... anyway they won’t care/change thinks that I consider important”). More and more technology may put another bureaucratic barrier between people and their legitimate right to exercise power: citizenship. Politics is the process of formation, distribution, and exercise of power (Bobbio, Matteucci & Pasquino, 1983). In this sense, the term e-democracy (Riley & Riley, 2003) has emerged as the goal to be reached by our technology. It is defined by Clift (2004) as the use of information and communication technologies and strategies by democratic actors within political and governance processes of local communities, nations and on the international stage. Such democratic actors/sectors include governments, elected officials, the media, political organizations, and citizen/voters. The first steps towards e-democracy (i.e., the current e-government frameworks), even though the efforts taken, are mostly centralized (Bicharra Garcia, Pinto, & Ferraz, 2004; Clift, 2004; Macintosh, 2004; Macintosh & McKay-Hubbard, 2004). Furthermore, the information they provide about government decisions and acts and their consequences are presented as (mostly) unproven facts. It is often difficult for the common citizen to check whether the myriad of data and their sources are even legitimate, not to say legal or fare. Certainly, political confidence and faith (even though mediated by technology) have some limits, to say the less. If technology is to be put for a good use it has to be not only accessible to the common citizen, he/she has to feel and exercise power not only through voting on candidates or accessing some services online. Currently, there are two aspects considered as the main targets of e-government technologies (Riley & Riley, 2003): • E-Voting: Taking part in elections or other ballots • E-Participation: Allowing degrees of access to policy decision making Thus, for the citizen the actual range of possible actions is rather narrow. Our democratic societies require bridging a gap between current IT based Democracy and well established democratic practices. A suitable option is to be served by democracy enabler social software, allowing a new dimension: • E-Enaction-and-Alterity: Collective planning, monitoring, awareness, and enforcement of already set actions and decisions made by representatives and public institutions Such an approach tries to incorporate and extend the idea presented by Clift (2003) as “e-democracy + public net-work” and illustrated in Figure 1. Seeking for direct citizen/stakeholder/leadership involvement, this new dimension, along with the e-voting and e-participation, can be implemented with decentralized digital citizenship systems (DCS), composed by intelligent citizenship assistants (CAs). Such systems can create an extended channel to restore the capillarity of power back to the citizens. We will now discuss some aspects that are to be explored in the quest that may (hopefully) lead to implement DCS in the near future.


2015 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Iliadis

This article argues for the right to nonparticipation for Global Digital Citizenship (GDC). It recuperates the notion of political nonparticipation in the context of information and communication technologies (ICTs) and GDC in order to show that nonparticipation can operate effectively in non-State spheres, particularly online. The paper begins with a discussion of nonparticipation in the context of Nation States and non-Statal Organizations before offering a brief survey of the terms Global Citizenship (GC), Digital Citizenship (DC), and GDC. Nonparticipation in an online context is then explained, followed by a discussion of practical concerns, such as who might enforce GDC rights among global digital citizens.


Author(s):  
L. Magnani

We already are hybrid humans, fruit of a kind of co-evolution of both our brains and the common, scientific, social, and moral knowledge we have produced by ourselves, starting from the birth of material culture with our ancestors until the recent effects generated by the whole field of information and communication technologies (ICTs). We all are constitutively natural born cyborgs; that is, biotechnological hybrid minds. Our minds should not be considered to be located only in the head; human beings have solved their problems of survival and reproduction, distributing cognitive and ethical functions to external nonbiological sources, props, and aids, which originate cultures. This chapter also illustrates the interplay between cultures and distributed cognition, taking advantage of the so-called disembodiment of mind, and stresses the problem of the co-evolution between brains and cultures. The second part of the chapter is related to the analysis of the interplay between cultures and cognition and of some consequences concerning the problem of intercultural communication in light of the role of moral mediators, docility, and cyberprivacy. Finally, I discuss some suggestions concerning the problem of what I call the principle of isolation of cultures, with respect to the effects of ICTs.


Author(s):  
B. Sen

The term digital governance refers to governance processes in which information and communication technologies (ICT) play a significant role. Digital governance uses ICT to induce changes in the delivery and standards of governance services and, more importantly, in the way citizens interact and participate in the governance sphere. The role played by ICT could be wide ranging: in delivery and standards of governance services, to how people access such services, and the participation of people in the governance sphere (Digital governance.org Initiative, n.d.). Digital governance is not just another facet of governance or one more interface between citizens and government. Digital governance is a whole new opportunity, creating immense possibilities between citizens and government by redefining vision and the scope of the entire gamut of relationships (Bedi, Singh, & Srivastava, 2001). Two fundamental anchors of digital governance are local knowledge communities and citizen-centric governance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-85
Author(s):  
Gabriel Swarts

In the broadest sense, the concept of global citizenship education (GCE) includes many facets of a rapidly changing world and concepts in education. The information and communication technology (ICT) advances of the last few decades have created opportunities for educational connection and interaction through digital spaces at all levels, local and global. In linking technology with global citizenship, neither GCE nor ICTs can be assumed to be mutually progressive and/or mutually beneficial. In recent years, governments have moved to centralize ICT technologies exacting more control over their use for surveillance, including the weaponization of ICTs for strategic gains. This complicates the work of GCE scholars and practitioners in unforeseen ways as centralized control limits decentralized interactions. ICT concepts and philosophical stances are explored and defined to address how GCE scholars and practitioners can reimagine and reframe the tenets of the field within this informational world. Key topics discussed include complications of GCE in the infosphere, digital citizenship & GCE, and teaching GCE in the age of “inforgs” & digital identities.


Author(s):  
A. Gronlund

Digital government, electronic government, online government, wired government, virtual government—there are many terms used to refer to the contemporary strong focus, in practice as in research, on increasing the amount and sophistication of information and communication technologies (ICT) use in government and governance processes. While the terms are largely used as synonyms, there is no unambiguous definition of the field. Some use the terms to refer specifically to government services to citizens (G2C), but definitions by influential actors typically define electronic government in governance terms. The former definitions typically focus on efficiency issues, often directly concerning the ICT components, while the latter ones concern effectiveness and focus on systems aspects, organizations, and social systems in general, rather than individual components. While reduced cost per delivered form is a typical measurement emanating from research following from the first kind of definition, reduced corruption is one from the latter. This article investigates the content of the electronic government (e-gov) field briefly by exhibiting (1) definitions, theoretically anchored ones as well as definitions-in-use emerging from practice, (2) examples of work, including steps in the development over time, (3) models for evaluation, and (4) considerations about the future of the phenomenon based on the development so far. Altogether this gives a view of a vast field, not unequivocally defined but in practice framed by a number of similar practices, strategies, critical issues, and technologies. It is also regularly monitored globally by methods commonly used. While these are not uncontested and subject to different technical, social, and business-oriented viewpoints, they do contribute to the framing of the field as a practice.


Author(s):  
Emile G. McAnany

This chapter tackles the issue of how success was defined and measured in the modernization-diffusion paradigm by focusing on three early projects for using the technology of television for teaching purposes, along with their distinct outcomes. It asks how communication as well as information and communication technologies (ICTs) achieve their goals of social change and how we can demonstrate their success. It also explores the working assumptions of educational technology within the general communication for development (c4d) discourse before discussing the three educational television initiatives in more detail, all of them implemented by Stanford University's Institute for Communication Research and involving Wilbur Schramm: the first in American Samoa, the second in El Salvador, and the third in Mexico. These projects illustrate some of the common problems with many c4d projects.


Author(s):  
Carla Pires

e-Government (e-Gov) involves the use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) to achieve political goals. Innovative ICTs should be integrated in e-Gov and e-business services to maximize their potentialities/efficiency and to reduce costs. Currently, diverse conceptual models of e-Gov are purposed. These models are applied to understand and optimize governance processes. Globally, it is possible to identify a gap between e-Govs and digital enterprise transformation of developed and developing countries. Digital divisions are closely related to a gap between citizens, families, and businesses regarding the access to ICT and internet in different regions. Are the international recommendations on e-government, digital division and management, and strategies for digital enterprise transformation producing successful outputs? This study aims (1) to describe and analyze international recommendations on e-government, digital division and management, and strategies for digital enterprise transformation and (2) to present practical cases.


2015 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Iliadis

This article argues for the right to nonparticipation for Global Digital Citizenship (GDC). It recuperates the notion of political nonparticipation in the context of information and communication technologies (ICTs) and GDC in order to show that nonparticipation can operate effectively in non-State spheres, particularly online. The paper begins with a discussion of nonparticipation in the context of Nation States and non-Statal Organizations before offering a brief survey of the terms Global Citizenship (GC), Digital Citizenship (DC), and GDC. Nonparticipation in an online context is then explained, followed by a discussion of practical concerns, such as who might enforce GDC rights among global digital citizens.


2005 ◽  

The CEFTrain Project is a transnational endeavour which promotes the common European principles and standards expressed in the Council of Europe's "Common European Framework of Reference for Languages: Learning, teaching, assessment (CEF)", in teacher education using information and communication technologies. The Project results are being transferred into the Italian educational context.


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