scholarly journals 'Wir tun nichts Gutes, wobei wir nicht sündigen': De heiliging in de verkondiging binnen de gereformeerde kerk in het 19e eeuwse Wuppertal

2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Hans Kommers

In de turbulente jaren van het midden van de 19e eeuw opponeerde de prediker Hermann Friedrich Kohlbrügge (1803−1875) tegen het optimistische vooruitgangsgeloof van zijn tijd, met zijn reformatorische verkondiging waarin Jezus Christus in het midden van de verkondiging werd gezet. In zijn preken schilderde hij niet met waterverf; een natte spons erover en alles was weg, maar zijn woorden haakten in harten en gewetens van zijn toehoorders. Juist op het ‘doen’ in het geloof legde hij accenten, waar tot op deze dag nog over gesproken wordt. Hoe zit het? Een christen doet goede werken en is volkomen in Christus en dan toch: ‘Wir tun nichts Gutes, wobei wir nicht sündigen’ (Kohlbrügge 1903:33). De concrete, praktische zaken van het leven worden bij hem niet geplaatst in de ervaringswereld van de toehoorders, kortom, dichter bij hun leven, maar toehoorders en hun werkelijkheid worden gezien in het licht van de opgestane Christus. Hoe voorkomen wij dat ons kader wordt scheefgetrokken waarin het menselijke en het geestelijke gescheiden wordt? Heiliging vraagt om een geïntergreerd leven.‘Wir tun nichts Gutes, wobei wir nicht sündigen’: The sanctification in the ministry within the Reformed church in the 19th century Wuppertal. In the turbulent years of the mid–19th century the preacher Hermann Friedrich Kohlbrügge (1803–1875) stood up against the prevailing opinion of an optimistic feel good religion with a biblical preaching in which Jesus Christ is glorified. When he preached, he did not portray with a pencil, which can be erased easily. His words were engraved in the hearts and conscience of the people listening to him. His way of highlighting the ‘deeds’ in Christian belief, are issues people still discuss today. This is how he sees it: a Christian does good deeds and is completely sanctified in Christ, yet ‘Wir tun nichts Gutes, wobei wir nicht sündigen’ (Kohlbrügge 1903:33). The practical and modern day issues of life are not placed in the experienced way people were used too, but the reality is being shown in the light of the Risen Lord. How do we prevent our framework from being pulled into the wrong direction? A direction in which the human and spiritual is separated. Sanctification means an integrated life.

2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 221-244
Author(s):  
Alexander S. Tsipko

In the article the author analyzes the main notional lines in the work of A.I. Solzhenitsyn through the prism of Russian philosophy legacy. According to the author the analysis of the nature, motives and lie in the works of the writer are related to the respective works of F.M. Dostoevsky, K.N. Leontiev and other Russian thinkers. «All Communist content is turned into nonsense by the Russian life», and «all its nonsense is severe due to the intolerable truth of the suffering…», – this statement of F.A. Stepun is well pertinent to the creative work of A.I. Solzhenitsyn that shows vivid examples of barbaric cruelty of the authorities towards the people. Still, according to the author of the article, the reasons for such cruelty were reflected even earlier, in the works of Russian philosophers of the 19th century.


Polar Record ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Lähteenmäki

ABSTRACTThe academic study of local and regional history in Sweden took on a quite new form and significance in the 18th century. Humiliating defeats in wars had brought the kingdom's period of greatness to an end and forced the crown to re-evaluate the country's position and image and reconsider the internal questions of economic efficiency and settlement. One aspect in this was more effective economic and political control over the peripheral parts of the realm, which meant that also the distant region of Kemi Lapland, bordering on Russia, became an object of systematic government interest. The practical local documentation of this area took the form of dissertations prepared by students native to the area under the supervision of well known professors, reports sent back by local ministers and newspaper articles. The people responsible for communicating this information may be said to have functioned as ‘mimic men’ in the terminology of H.K. Bhabha. This supervised gathering and publication of local information created the foundation for the nationalist ideology and interest in ordinary people and local cultures that emerged at the end of the century and flourished during the 19th century.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-24
Author(s):  
Akmal Hawi

The 19th century to the 20th century is a moment in which Muslims enter a new gate, the gate of renewal. This phase is often referred to as the century of modernism, a century where people are confronted with the fact that the West is far ahead of them. This situation made various responses emerging, various Islamic groups responded in different ways based on their Islamic nature. Some respond with accommodative stance and recognize that the people are indeed doomed and must follow the West in order to rise from the downturn. Others respond by rejecting anything coming from the West because they think it is outside of Islam. These circles believe Islam is the best and the people must return to the foundations of revelation, this circle is often called the revivalists. One of the figures who is an important figure in Islamic reform, Jamaluddin Al-Afghani, a reformer who has its own uniqueness, uniqueness, and mystery. Departing from the division of Islamic features above, Afghani occupies a unique position in responding to Western domination of Islam. On the one hand, Afghani is very moderate by accommodating ideas coming from the West, this is done to improve the decline of the ummah. On the other hand, however, Afghani appeared so loudly when it came to the question of nationality or on matters relating to Islam. As a result, Afghani traces his legs on two different sides, he is a modernist but also a fundamentalist. 


2008 ◽  
Vol 4 (1-2 (5)) ◽  
pp. 112-119
Author(s):  
Gayane Petrosyan

The poetry of the world-renowned poetess Emily Dickenson received general acclaim in the fifties of the previous century, 70 years after her death. This country-dwelling lady who had locked herself from the surrounding world, created one of the most precious examples of the 19th century American poetry and became one of the most celebrated poets of all time without leaving her own garden.Her soul was her universe and the mission of Dickenson’s sole was to open the universe to let the people see it. Interestingly, most of her poems lack a title, are short and symbolic. The poetess managed to disclose the dark side of the human brain which symbolizes death and eternity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (12-3) ◽  
pp. 143-152
Author(s):  
Tikhon Sergeyev ◽  
Vitaly Orlov ◽  
Valery Andreev

The article shows the contribution of two representatives of multinational Russia of the 19th century to the study of the ethnic culture of the Mongols: the first corresponding member of the Russian Academy of Sciences from the Chuvash, the founder of Sinology, an outstanding scientist-monk N. Ya. Bichurin (Fr. Iakinfa) (1777-1853) and the first Buryat scientist, the Buryat “Lomonosov”, Dorzhi Banzarov (1822-1855). Coming from the lower classes of the people, they became prominent representatives of the Russian democratic intelligentsia of the 19th century.


Author(s):  
Senadin Lavić

The historical process has posed a challenging question about Bosnia's national identity today. It is quite obvious that since the end of the 19th century, the historical course of a nation has been reduced to a "religious group" in which it is possible to recognize regression and unconscious existence. This represents a trace of the Ottoman period of hegemony in Bosnia, when the identity of the people was determined by religious affiliation. Therefore, it is no coincidence that the end of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy in Bosnia, left Bosniaks solely perceived and defined as Muslims. What looks like naivety and powerlessness during the 20th century, should in fact be seen as ignorance of, and non-reflexivity on, one's own existence. In the Yugoslav system, they were designated as Muslims - with the capital letter M. At the time, it was announced as the solution to the national question! The clash of unfinished ethnic-religious constructions of Bosniak identity and the process of globalization in the first decades of the 21st century, led to paradoxical and somewhat tragic self-experiences and attempts to develop national consciousness, based on a religious matrix that is the foundation of conservative consciousness. This moves the whole of human destinies in the wrong direction once again, and the importance of the national or civic identity and political philosophy of statism are undermined and blurred by non-reflexive voluntarism. It seems that citizens’ naivety and their lack of knowledge about themselves and their own state framework, have led to a disastrous anti-Bosnian mentality and the extinguishing of the Bosnian national civic identity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-40
Author(s):  
Andrew March

The 19th-century witnessed the first efforts to draw up constitutions in traditional Muslim monarchies. Far from emerging out of popular pressure, never mind revolution, these documents were largely motivated by the desire of rulers and their chief advisors to rationalize state legal and bureaucratic authority, in order to both strengthen central state control internally and also deal with increasing European pressure, particularly in fiscal and economic matters. Nonetheless these texts reflect a language of authority and legitimacy that is to a large extent a reflection of traditional Islamic constitutional theory, before the rise of popular, mass politics and the associated ideological transformation of Islamic political thought. This article focuses instead on the Tunisian constitutional moment of 1857-1861. I focus on two important sources for the study of the emergence of modern Islamic political-constitutional thought and the problem of sovereignty. The first set are the first attempts to create written constitutions for existing regimes and dynasties. The second set are the writings of important reformist intellectuals, both from within the lineage of traditional Islamic scholarship and from the class of new elites educated along “European” models, that sought to provide the intellectual and doctrinal justification for formal, written constitutions. The primary goal of this article is to explore an important moment in Islamic modernity for the purposes of drawing a contrast with 20th-century, post-caliphal Islamist thought. The primary themes visible in 19th-century Islamic constitutional thought, on my reading, are a primarily “descending” conception of sovereign constituent power with a strong emphasis on the pre-political existence of a divine law that is both binding and guiding, but not necessarily the exclusive source of lawmaking. So-called “descending” tropes of political authority are in evidence in two primary forms: first, specific offices (most notably the Caliphate) are seen as ordained by God and obligatory on the Muslim community, which does not create them; second, power is frequently spoken of as being bestowed on rulers directly, without any mediation or authorization by the people. Where the ruler is said to derive his authority from human appointment, authorization or acclamation, this is usually done by the “People Who Loose and Bind” (scholars or other social notables) on their own authority (whether grounded epistemically or in social recognition) without election by the people they are meant to represent. Finally, while the authority of God’s law is uniformly asserted, the texts in question—from constitutions to scholarly treatises—do not tend to be preoccupied with the concept of “sovereignty” and its precise location. As 19th-century constitutionalist movements were largely elite driven affairs that pursued limited, legally-constrained governance as a path to political and economic modernization, they did not yet face opposition from mass movements using the language of Islam as a mobilizing ideology. Rather, their opposition came from entrenched elites (including traditional Islamic religious authorities) who had not yet formulated a coherent counter-revolutionary language.


2003 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-44
Author(s):  
Vagn Wåhlin

Folkelige og sociale bevagelser. Nyere forskningsretninger og kvalitative forstaelser[Popular and Social Movements. Recent Research Approaches and Qualitative Interpretations]By Vagn WahlinHowever fascinating Grundtvig himself is as a central figure in 19th century Denmark, we, the citizens of the Third Millennium, have to ask why and how he is also interesting today and how his word, work and influence spread. Part of the answer to that fundamental question lies in the fact that he was the right man at the right place at the right time, with the right tidings to tell some clergymen and many peasant farmers on their dominant, middle size, family farms that they were the core of the nation. But part of the answer is to be found in the fact that his followers managed to elevate him to the influencing position as an inspirer and prophet of a broad popular movement that lasted for generations after his death. This popular, national and Christian movement of the Grundtvigians interacted in the social and political development of more than a hundred years with the other broad popular and ideological movements of Denmark such as the Labour Movement, the more Evangelical movement of the Home Mission, the Temperance movements, the Suffragists and women’s organizations, the associations of the world of sport, the political and youth organizations, etc. They were all active on the local level and soon also on the national level and, from the 1880s and onwards, established more firm organizations and institutions to deal with practical matters such as schools, boy scouts, community houses, soccer stadiums, magazines, newspapers, political associations, trade unions, as well as organized economic and anticapitalistic activities by co-operative dairies, breweries, slaughterhouses, export companies etc. As long as the agrarian sector of society (until around 1960-1970) dominated the national export to pay for the large import of society, that pattern of popular movements, also in the urban industry, influenced most of Danish history and life - and is still most influential in today’s post-modern society.During absolutism (1660-1848), organized social activities and associations were forbidden or strictly controlled. Yet a growing and organized public debate appeared in Copenhagen in late 18th century, followed by literary and semi-political associations amongst the enlightened, urban bourgeoisie. Around 1840 the liberals had organized themselves into urban associations and through newspapers. They were ready to take over the power of the society and the state, but could only do so through an alliance with the peasant farmers in 1846 followed by the German uprising in 1848 by the liberals in Schleswig-Holstein.In Denmark there existed a rather distinct dividing line - economic, cultural, social and in terms of political power - between two dominant sectors of society: Copenhagen, totally dominant in the urban sector, in contrast to the agrarian world, where 80% of the population lived.In the urban as well as in the agrarian sectors of society, the movements mostly appeared to be a local protest against some modernization or innovative introductions felt as a threat to religious or material interests - except for a few cases, where the state wanted an enlightened debate as in the Royal Agrarian Society of 1769. Whether the said local protesters won or lost, their self organization in the matter could lead to a higher degree of civil activity, which again could lead to the spread of their viewpoints and models of early organization. The introduction of civil liberties by the Constitution of 1849 made it more easy and acceptable for the broad masses of society to organize. However, with the spread of organizations and their institutions in the latter part of the 19th century, an ethical and social understanding arose that the power of the organized citizens should be extended from the special or vested interests of the founding group to the benefit of the whole of society and of all classes.So everybody who contributes positively, little or much, to the upholding and development of Danish society should be benefited and embraced by the popular movements. Around 1925 the Labour Movement as the last and largest in number and very influential had finally accepted that ethical point of view and left the older understanding of the suppressed army of toiling and hungry workers. The people, the ‘folk’, and the country of all classes had then been united into ‘Danmark for folket’ (a Denmark o f by and fo r the people).So while a social movement may be an organization of mere protest or vested interests or a short-lived phenomena, a ‘folkelig bevagelse’ (popular movement) became what it was at first - in the understanding of the majority of the Danes, but not in the eyes of the 19th century bourgeois and landowner elite - a positive label. It is still so today, though it is now questioned by many of the more internationally-minded members of the new elite. The word ‘folk’ in the term ‘folkelig bevagelse’ is so highly valued that nearly all political parties of today have included it in their names. For the majority of people, Danish and popular and movements stand for the organized societal activity of those who accept the language, history, culture including religion, landscapes, national symbols, etc. of Denmark and who incorporate all this as a valid part of their self-understanding just as they actively take part in the mutual responsibility for their fellow countrymen. This general attitude is most clearly demonstrated when it is severely breached by some individual or group.With the addition of the Church and the Christian dimension, we have what is the essence of Grundtvig’s heritage. Without this source of inspiration, the popular movements up to a generation ago would have been different and perhaps of less importance, and without the popular movements, Grundtvig’s influence would have been less important in Denmark of the last hundred years. We may best understand this as a process of mutual dependency and of a mutual societal interaction.


Author(s):  
Georgy P. Melnikov

The culture of the Czech National Revival produced a symbolic autoidentification in figures of the Plowman and the Music. The drawings of J. Mánes and the sculptures of J. Myslbek perpetuated these figures as gender symbols of the Czech identity. The figures of the Plowman and the Music are presented in the Mánes’ drawing “Domov”. The semantics of the drawing is versatile, which provides an impulse for its culturological interpretation. A symbolic figure of the Plowman in historical and cultural consciousness of Czechs has been associated with Přemysl the Ploughman — the legendary founder of the Přemyslid dynasty. According to the Czech legend told by Cosmas of Prague, Přemysl was elected the prince upon the request by the Czech ruler Libuše, who then married him. The title of the drawing refers to the song of J. K. Tyl, which had become somewhat of an unofficial Czech anthem of the 19th century. In the Mánes’ drawing Libuše is substituted by a symbolic figure of the Music as a personification of the national genius of Czechs. Historical-patriotic connotations generate the image of the Czech people, which formed in the epoch of the National Revival. Moreover, the Czech identity manifested itself in gender as a harmony of the male and female principles, work, and music. The idea of organic work as the basis of art is introduced into the drawing`s composition. A series of Mánes’ drawings “The Music” came to be a vivid embodiment of the national identity, showing the life of a peasant accompanied by music from birth till death. The Myslbek’s sculpture “The Music”, which became lobby`s centerpiece of a new Czech sacred place — The National Theater in Prague, is presented as a personification of the Czech identity in culture. A female image of the Music is identified with the soul of the people in a state of sociocultural and political emancipation.


2019 ◽  
pp. 120-127
Author(s):  
Tamara Usatenko ◽  
Galyna Usatenko ◽  
Myroslava Marushchenko

The article is devoted to the defining of the phenomena of Ukrainian cultural movement of the 19th century, when under conditions of comprehensive Russification of the Ukrainian community and the influence of the Church Slavonic language as well as of complete lack of education in the native language, the processes of creation of the Ukrainian literary language took place. The new Ukrainian spelling was established, the struggle for teaching in schools in the Ukrainian language was intensified, various styles, and lot of genres of literature in the native language were developed. These searches and comprehension by advanced representatives of political, cultural and social life are considered. It is determined that the spirit of romanticism, European revolutions, the abolition of serfdom, scientific and industrial shifts gave birth to a galaxy of unique Ukrainian thinkers, scientific societies, writers, etc. Among them, Panteleimon Oleksandrovich Kulish (1819-1997) was a significant person due to his energy, ability to organize a business, multifaceted talent, profound knowledge. One of the resonance works of the diverse creative heritage P.O. Kulisha is studied in the article, that is a book for initial education in native language − the "Grammar" of the Ukrainian language, which was highly appreciated by T. Shevchenko. Its structure, the content of each part, the pedagogical role as well as the concept of the author, manifested in its preface and the final part were described. The study emphasizes that in the processes of creating a new literary Ukrainian language, its spelling, writing textbooks, grammars in Ukrainian for initials education, two periods are noticeable: the first one – the 20-30th years of the 19th century, when the problems of the necessity of a new literary language arose, the new literature, preservation of the ethnographic, folklore heritage of the people, the second one – the 40-60th-years was the period of active participation of a new generation of Ukrainian thinkers in the development of the Ukrainian literary language, the creation of new spelling, new literature for primary education in native Ukrainian language. The role of "Grammar" in the formation of a new Ukrainian literary language and its phonetic spelling, in the formation of education in the Ukrainian language, the creation of textbooks in the Ukrainian literary language, and the development of Ukrainian writing are underlined. The emphasis was also put on the introduction of the author's, phonetic spelling, the so-called "Kulishivka" in the "Grammar", which is the basis of the modern Ukrainian spelling. Despite the prohibition of "Valuevsky (1863)" and "Yamsky (1876)" decrees, books and newspapers, although very limited were published in Ukrainian. The article also highlights the following discourses: the role of "Grammar" wrote by P. Kulish (the theory and practice of creating a Ukrainian literary language, the new Ukrainian spelling, which caused the intensification of imperial repressions) and its contemporary significance for the new Ukrainian space of ideas, meanings, communication, methods of publications in the Ukrainian language, as well as some grammatical factors of the theory or history of writing: the language of sound - the language of the book: thinking - writing, writing - thinking; sound - letter, letter - sound; "science of reading" - writing, etc. Comparison of discourses contributes to the conclusion that the development of the living language, sound of language during writing has been improved so complex and multifaceted in the 19th century that passed later in the 20th century, and even in the 21st century remain controversial, as evidenced by the lengthy discussion of the “Project of the New Ukrainian spelling”.


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