popular pressure
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Significance The additional income is being partly used to direct support to poorer segments of society. However, this has not ended the mounting popular pressure for accelerated change. The main demands, expressed on social media platforms, include expedited employment and fiscal relief programmes, curbs on government bureaucracy and limits to the number of state-owned enterprises competing with the private sector. Impacts The high-employment tourism and construction sectors could be slow to recover post-pandemic and manufacturing may take a hit. Saudi and Emirati investment offers benefits but conditions could strain Oman’s policy of regional neutrality. Difficulties in accessing credit for non-state employees will keep people focused on seeking government jobs.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Claudine Lana Earley

<p>Roman democracy is in fashion. In particular, the publication of Fergus Millar's The Crowd in the Late Republic (1998) has stimulated debate on the democratic elements in Roman government during this period. In this thesis I examine the nature of popular participation in the late Roman Republic. I focus on the decision-making power of the populus Romanus and popular pressure to effect reform in the favour of citizens outside the senatorial and equestrian orders. My findings are based on analysis of ancient literary and epigraphic sources, along with a critique of modern research on the topic. The first chapter introduces the subject with a survey of current scholarly opinion and discussion of key concepts and terms. Chapter Two investigates how power was shared between senatus populusque Romanus and the distribution of power in the assemblies, concluding that participation was widespread as a result of the changing circumstances in the late Republic. As farmers and veterans moved to Rome, and slaves were freed and granted citizenship and the right to vote, the balance was tipped in the favour of the non-elite voter. Each class of the populus Romanus could participate in Roman politics, and certainly members of each did. Having concluded my analysis of the formal avenues of participation, I move onto the informal. Chapter Three is the first of three chapters of case studies focusing on demonstrations and collective action which form the heart of this work. The first set of studies cover secession, mutiny and refusal of the draft. Chapter Four continues with studies of popular pressure to gain reforms to improve the food supply, restore tribunician power, obtain relief from crippling debt and land shortage. The final chapter of analysis, Chapter Five, investigates collective action at contiones, legislative assemblies, trials, ludi et gladiatores, triumphs, funerals, and elections. The findings of these three chapters bring me to the conclusion that Rome was a democracy, if of a particular type. The nature of popular political participation in the late Republic resembled that of an emerging democracy with the non-elite gaining an increasing role in the decision-making process, albeit without constitutional definition. The citizens' right to participate in the formal assemblies was augmented by their ability to take part in less formal ways also. These informal methods ranged from popular involvement in contiones through to the application of pressure on senators through the threat of secession and mutiny. Only the rise of the principate, with formalised roles for the various sectors in society under one leader, brought these developments to an end.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Claudine Lana Earley

<p>Roman democracy is in fashion. In particular, the publication of Fergus Millar's The Crowd in the Late Republic (1998) has stimulated debate on the democratic elements in Roman government during this period. In this thesis I examine the nature of popular participation in the late Roman Republic. I focus on the decision-making power of the populus Romanus and popular pressure to effect reform in the favour of citizens outside the senatorial and equestrian orders. My findings are based on analysis of ancient literary and epigraphic sources, along with a critique of modern research on the topic. The first chapter introduces the subject with a survey of current scholarly opinion and discussion of key concepts and terms. Chapter Two investigates how power was shared between senatus populusque Romanus and the distribution of power in the assemblies, concluding that participation was widespread as a result of the changing circumstances in the late Republic. As farmers and veterans moved to Rome, and slaves were freed and granted citizenship and the right to vote, the balance was tipped in the favour of the non-elite voter. Each class of the populus Romanus could participate in Roman politics, and certainly members of each did. Having concluded my analysis of the formal avenues of participation, I move onto the informal. Chapter Three is the first of three chapters of case studies focusing on demonstrations and collective action which form the heart of this work. The first set of studies cover secession, mutiny and refusal of the draft. Chapter Four continues with studies of popular pressure to gain reforms to improve the food supply, restore tribunician power, obtain relief from crippling debt and land shortage. The final chapter of analysis, Chapter Five, investigates collective action at contiones, legislative assemblies, trials, ludi et gladiatores, triumphs, funerals, and elections. The findings of these three chapters bring me to the conclusion that Rome was a democracy, if of a particular type. The nature of popular political participation in the late Republic resembled that of an emerging democracy with the non-elite gaining an increasing role in the decision-making process, albeit without constitutional definition. The citizens' right to participate in the formal assemblies was augmented by their ability to take part in less formal ways also. These informal methods ranged from popular involvement in contiones through to the application of pressure on senators through the threat of secession and mutiny. Only the rise of the principate, with formalised roles for the various sectors in society under one leader, brought these developments to an end.</p>


Significance Bolsonaro has been increasing his attacks on senators leading a Senate-led inquiry into his administration’s handling of COVID-19 and on members of the Supreme Court and the TSE, due to mounting opposition to Bolsonaro’s plan to reinstate paper ballots in next year’s election. Impacts New evidence by the Senate inquiry may increase popular pressure for the Lower House to launch an impeachment process. Bolsonaro will continue to increase his support for and reliance on parties of the centre-right and right in Congress to block impeachment. Bolsonaro will sustain allegations of fraud in 2018 and potential fraud in 2022 as a diversionary tactic in the short term.


Author(s):  
Richard F. Doner ◽  
Gregory W Noble ◽  
John Ravenhill

Where Thailand succeeded at extensive development, the Philippines and Indonesia long floundered. Both countries initiated systematic automotive industrialization efforts in the early 1970s. The Philippines developed a detailed program to combine local supplier upgrading with MNC (multinational corporation)-linked exports, whereas Indonesia pursued a more straightforward intensive development strategy aimed at a complete value chain based on local assemblers and suppliers. Neither succeeded. Permissive conditions—weak external threats, limited popular pressure, and relatively easy access to foreign exchange—undermined policy stability and hindered both countries’ efforts at developing institutions capable of strengthening local firms and linkages. Occasional moves toward more extensive development occurred in response to the sporadic tightening of economic pressures. These nevertheless resulted in distinctly different levels of progress: Indonesia has gradually begun to rival Thailand as an MNC assembly base, whereas despite the Philippines’ early status as an automotive pioneer, its auto industry has remained a case of “arrested development.”


Author(s):  
Ellen Tillman

Due to regionalism and both internal and external military interventions in politics, it was not until the last quarter of the 20th century that the Dominican Republic began a (true) transition to free democratic institutions in politics. While various forms of militarism and militarization dominated most of Dominican politics—and much of society—from independence to that period, liberalization from the 1970s and beyond led to a downsizing in military and police power and relatively stable and peaceful electoral transitions between legitimate political contenders. From independence in 1844 to the late 19th century, Dominican politics was characterized largely by fragmentation and caudillo warfare, including an 1861 reannexation to Spain and a long Restoration War to restore independence in 1865. These trends encouraged militarization in many aspects of society, and elevated many men of military experience and fame in politics. Despite a brief late-19th-century period of liberalization, the country quickly fell under the dictatorship of Ulíses Heureaux, whose caudillo system of rule was reinforced and funded through extensive internal and external loans—the latter of which were gradually taken over by the United States. His assassination in 1899 pushed the Dominican Republic into a series of governments and civil wars that, considering growing U.S. influence and interest, led to the direct U.S. military occupation of the country from 1916 to 1924. Using the structures of military centralization built up under the occupation, under which he had been trained, Rafael Trujillo took over the Dominican government at the end of the 1920s. He ruled from 1930 to 1961. While Trujillo’s rule built a semblance of a government with civilian branches, he used military intimidation and violence both to control and to modernize the state. After his assassination, the long-term military, political, and societal consequences of Trujillo’s dictatorship continued to hinder democratic development, yet some elements actually improved the possibilities of a democratic state, including economic growth, urbanization, and the consequent growth of a middle class, which challenged former followers of Trujillo such as Joaquín Balaguer through the 1960s and 1970s. By the mid-1970s and into the 1980s, the popular Dominican challenge to military intervention in politics aided the downsizing of the Trujillista military and therefore the power of the armed forces to intervene in the political system. The presidencies of Antonio Guzmán and Salvador Jorge Blanco in the late 1970s and 1980s, while peacefully and legally elected, were marred by corruption, yet popular pressure and personal interest caused these administrations to gradually scale back the armed forces and their role in politics. Through the 1980s and 1990s, a centralized and efficient civilian-controlled government formed. Despite some difficulties in transition, due to such issues as the fragility of early democratic institutions and International Monetary Fund–imposed austerity measures of the 1980s, by the mid-1990s the Dominican Republic had conducted highly contested but fair elections without direct police or military interference in the political process.


Author(s):  
Luciana Godri ◽  
◽  
Carolina Marcelino ◽  

The 1988 Brazilian Federal Constitution institutes the promotion of “universal and equal access” to health care for Brazilian citizens. In this article, we will focus on the use and distribution of medicines as one of the national health system components. The organization responsible for standardizing and regulating the production and consumption of products and services is ANVISA – National Health Surveillance Agency, which works like the FDA (Federal Drug Administration). A unique episode took place in 2015 when a “popular uprising” began to take shape in Brazil around an issue regulated by ANVISA. Cancer patients had started to file lawsuits calling for access and permission to use a drug not authorized by this agency and which, according to the askers, supposedly would cure their disease. This drug is named phosphoethanolamine (popular name, cancer pill). Apart from the efficacy or otherwise of the drug in question, it might be interesting to organizational studies why a government organization may miss legitimation to exercise its legal role due to popular pressure, which strongly diverges from court decisions, especially involving power and legal interpretation. We approach theoretical possibilities about judicialization of health discussing triggers of institutional and social conflicts (a) by surveying studies that deal with judicialization calling for supply or release of medication (b) possible connections already established in the academy with the so-called cancer pill and, finally, (c) relating such situations to the concept of institutional void.


Author(s):  
Jeff Horn

As Danton’s secretary and an activist in Paris, Alexandre Rousselin was baptized in Revolutionary violence during the September Massacres. With the establishment of the Republic, the hopes and fears of militants increasingly saw violence as justified to protect the Revolution. Rousselin emerged as a spokesperson for the popular movement when it demanded the arrest of a political faction known as the Girondins on 31 May 1793. This action helped him become an influential journalist and bureaucrat as an ad hoc system of governmental Terror was created. As part of that process, Rousselin was sent eastward to Champagne by the Committee of Public Safety in the fall of 1793. First in Provins and then in Troyes, Rousselin deployed novel instruments of popular pressure so widespread in Paris against recalcitrant populations that did not feel the same urgency. He became a terrorist for what he thought were the best of reasons.


Author(s):  
Bryn Rosenfeld

This chapter seeks to expand the grasp of authoritarian resilience and bottom-up pressures for democratization in states where economic growth is increasing the size of the middle-class. It explains why and under what conditions growth of the middle-class may not increase popular pressure on regimes to democratize. It also looks at a wide array of survey data on the political preferences and behaviors of the middle-classes in the post-communist countries. The chapter emphasizes that a variety of development strategies can drive an expansion of the middle-class, which differ in their effect on the formation of democratic constituencies. It examines multiple pathways to expansion of the middle-class that lead to greater support for democracy.


Significance The SEC had wanted to reform its proxy system, which is decades old, for years. President Donald Trump's administration has pressed the SEC to restrict the scope for shareholder activism to promote environmental, social and governance (ESG) goals. Impacts Popular pressure on funds in favour of sustainable investing will grow in coming years. Shareholder pressure for companies to perform better on ESG goals, incluidng gender and racial diversity, will increase. The next administration might be wary of increasing oversight on COVID-19-hit US corporates.


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