Addressing Racial, Ethnic, Gender, and Social Class Issues in Counselor Training and Practice

Author(s):  
Madonna G. Constantine
1994 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Krieger ◽  
Elizabeth Fee

National vital statistics in the United States are unique among those of advanced capitalist countries in reporting data only by race, sex, and age—not by class and income. This article reviews the limited U.S. data resources that may be used to document social class inequalities in health. Summarizing the strengths and weaknesses of the British approach to gathering data on social class and health, the authors discuss possible approaches to collecting data that could be feasible in the U.S. context. They argue that educational level is an insufficient marker for socioeconomic position and contend that appropriate measures must take into account not only individual but also household and neighborhood markers of social class. These additional types of social class data are especially important for accurately describing and understanding social class inequalities in health among women and across diverse racial/ethnic groups.


1972 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 638 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles V. Hamilton ◽  
Grace Olivarez ◽  
Richard J. Krickus

2005 ◽  
Vol 78 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward W. Morris

This article explores how teachers perceived and interacted with white students in a predominately racial/ethnic minority school in Texas. On the basis of ethnographic data, the author found that different teachers expressed different views of the family and class backgrounds of white students in this setting, which ranged from “middle class” to “trailer trash.” These views of social class stemmed from how teachers interpreted the whiteness of students in this predominately minority context and influenced how they reacted to these students academically. An interesting finding was that the black teachers and the white teachers had different perceptions of these white students. The black teachers typically saw the white students as middle class and good students, whereas the white teachers tended to view the students as low income and unremarkable students. The results of this study clarify the processes of teachers' perceptions and white advantage.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 1157-1174 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R Logan ◽  
Chris Graziul ◽  
Nathan Frey

What are the social bases of neighborhood formation in urban areas, and at what spatial scale are they most distinct from other neighborhoods? We address these questions in the case of St. Louis, Missouri, in 1930, where we can take advantage of unique geocoded census microdata on the whole population of the city that identifies who, with what background characteristics, lived where. Our analyses show that homophily by race and ethnicity was by far the strongest factor linking characteristics of persons to the composition of their neighbors. Measures of social class also were quite important, while the person’s nativity and family status were statistically significant but minor predictors. Yet while this hierarchy of social factors held for the population as a whole, their relative importance varied greatly across racial/ethnic groups. Similarity in social class to neighbors was most important for native whites, nativity counted as much or more than class for recently arriving immigrant groups including Russians, Italians, and Poles, and race/ethnicity was by far the key predictor for these groups and blacks. We also found that these patterns of homophily were clearest at the scale of individual street segment and first-order combinations of segments. They were similar but less distinct at a larger spatial scale.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Carlos García-Martí ◽  
Raúl Sánchez-García

This paper analyzes how professional wrestling expanded stereotyped race, national, and class images toward the Spanish public in the first two decades of the twentieth century. The professional wrestling circuit of music halls, theaters, and circuses helped connect a myriad of grappling practices spanning different national traditions. Nonetheless, it also helped convey different racial, ethnic, and national images within a frame of social class divide at a time of rampant imperialism and colonial domination. In this context, Spain experimented with a short-lived wrestling mania, with several international wrestling tournaments and jujutsu exhibitions before World War I. In these tournaments, both fighters and patrons exploited racial stereotypes as a way to better sell the activity to the paying audience, connecting with, but also reinforcing, the perceptions that populated the collective imagination about different people, due to ethnicity or nationality linked also to social class.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 92 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles E. Irwin ◽  
Susan G. Millstein ◽  
Jonathan M. Ellen

Study objectives. To identify the sociodemographic and Health Belief Model predictors of follow-up appointment-keeping behavior. Design. Prospective observational study. Settings. General adolescent medical clinic. Patients and measurements. Sequential sample of 166 adolescents (aged 12 to 20 years, mean = 15.9 years) enrolled in the clinic. The population was 75% female; the racial-ethnic distribution of the sample was 37.9% black, 29.8% white, 11.2% Asian, 14.3% Hispanic, and 6.8% "other" background. Subjects' social class was primarily lower-middle (60.5%) and middle class (28.6%). A subsample was randomly assigned to be interviewed about their beliefs concerning their follow-up appointment and the constructs of the Health Belief Model. Results. Forty-eight percent of the total sample failed to keep their follow-up appointment. There was a significant positive correlation between social class and appointment keeping (F = 5.07; df = 5,110; P = .026). Neither race-ethnicity nor who made the appointment were found to be associated with follow-up appointment-keeping. The only construct of the Health Belief Model found to be significantly associated with appointment keeping was the number of potential negative outcomes resulting from noncompliance perceived by the subject (F = 6.85; df 1,74; P = .011). Conclusions. Clinicians must work with adolescents to improve their understanding of the potential negative outcomes associated with noncompliance to improve appointment-keeping behavior.


2020 ◽  
pp. 82-104
Author(s):  
Sarah Sobieraj

This chapter uses in-depth interviews with women attacked online to explore how they cope with the harassment. It shows that women employ multiple coping strategies (e.g., retreating into like-minded enclaves, constructing narratives in which the abuse does not affect them), shaped by the perceived threat and real impact of their attacks, which are—in turn—shaped by their severity, the social position of the target, and the extent to which the toxic content is supported by pre-existing stereotypes and cultural biases. More privileged women have a wider array of coping strategies available, as their social class; professional standing; membership in historically valued racial, ethnic, and religious groups; and possession of arbitrary markers of respectability (e.g., thinness and emotional restraint) work to deflect some accusations while also creating space for resistance. Regardless of how women cope, these efforts take time and sap energy, yielding costs of their own.


2010 ◽  
Vol 112 (5) ◽  
pp. 1201-1246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey D. Borman ◽  
Maritza Dowling

Background/Context The Equality of Educational Opportunity study is widely recognized as one of the most important studies on schooling ever performed. The findings from the report have shaped the field of education, national education policies, and wider public and scholarly opinion regarding the contributions of schools and schooling to equality and productivity in the United States. Despite past reanalyses of the data and decades of research on the effects of schools as organizations, the report's fundamental finding—that a student's family background is far more important than school social composition and school resources for understanding student outcomes—still retains much of its currency. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: Using the original Equality of Educational Opportunity data, this study replicated Coleman's statistical models but also applied a two-level hierarchical linear model (HLM) to measure the effects of school-level social composition, resources, teacher characteristics, and peer characteristics on ninth-grade students’ verbal achievement. Research Design HLM allows researchers to disentangle how schools and students’ family backgrounds contribute to learning outcomes. The methodology offers a clearer interpretation of the relative effects of school characteristics, including racial/ethnic composition, and family background, including race/ethnicity and social class, on students’ academic outcomes. Findings/Results Our results suggest that schools do indeed matter, in that when one examines the outcomes across the national sample of schools, fully 40% of the differences in achievement can be found between schools. Even after statistically taking into account students’ family background, a large proportion of the variation among true school means is related to differences explained by school characteristics. Within-school inequalities in the achievement outcomes for African American and White students and students from families of higher and lower social class are explained in part by teachers’ biases favoring middle-class students and by schools’ greater reliance on curriculum differentiation through the use of academic and nonacademic tracking. Conclusions/Recommendations Formal decomposition of the variance attributable to individual background and the social composition of the schools suggests that going to a high-poverty school or a highly segregated African American school has a profound effect on a student's achievement outcomes, above and beyond the effect of individual poverty or minority status. Specifically, both the racial/ethnic and social class composition of a student's school are 1 3/4 times more important than a student's individual race/ethnicity or social class for understanding educational outcomes.


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