scholarly journals Herrscherschaft and herrschersuffix in Central-East European languages

Linguistica ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-18
Author(s):  
Sorin Paliga

The paper resumes a topic the author approached in severa[ instances beginning with 1987: some specific terms referring to the semantic sphere Herrscherschafi. In Romanian, ban, jupîn, stăpîn and probably also cioban reflect the indigenous Thracian substratum; these forms also reflect the archaic Indo-European Herrschersujfzx -n-. In Slavic, their equivalent forms ban, župan and stopan reflect either a Late Thracian or (Proto-)Romanian influence. Equally Rom. vătaf reflects the substratum influence, whereas Slavic vatah, vatak, vataš reflects the same borrowing. On the other hand, Slavic gospodƄ, belongs to the archaic Proto-Slavic core elements, while cěsaŕƄ, reflect a Germanic influence. Finally, Rom. boier is an East-Romance innovation derived from bou 'ox' and initially meant 'owner of cattle = rich man', a traditional association between cattle-owners and richness. The word had a large distribution from the early Middle Ages until late in the 20th century.In a paper written some 15 years ago (Paliga 1987, in Linguistica, Ljubljana) 1 dared suggest that a series of Romanian and Slavic terms referring to social and political organisation, specifically ban (1) 'master, local leader' and (2) 'coin, money' (2nd sense derived from the lst one),jupîn (formerly giupîn) 'a master', 'a master, a lord', cioban 'a shepherd', rather reflect a compact etymological group of Pre-Romance and Pre-Slavic origin (including cioban, incorrectly considered a Turkish influence, seemingly starting from the erroneous, but largely spread hypothesis that intervocalic -b- in Romanian would rather suggest a newer origin 1 ). To these, on another occasion, I added the form vătaf,vătah (also with parallels in some Slavic languages, Paliga 1996: 34-36) and on another occasion 1 analysed the form boier, also spread in many neighbouring languages, which has often been considered either of unknown origin or again of Turkic (not Turkish, i.e. Ottoman) origin (Paliga 1990; see also our main studies gathered together in a single volume, Paliga 1999).

Author(s):  
Peter Coss

In the introduction to his great work of 2005, Framing the Early Middle Ages, Chris Wickham urged not only the necessity of carefully framing our studies at the outset but also the importance of closely defining the words and concepts that we employ, the avoidance ‘cultural sollipsism’ wherever possible and the need to pay particular attention to continuities and discontinuities. Chris has, of course, followed these precepts on a vast scale. My aim in this chapter is a modest one. I aim to review the framing of thirteenth-century England in terms of two only of Chris’s themes: the aristocracy and the state—and even then primarily in terms of the relationship between the two. By the thirteenth century I mean a long thirteenth century stretching from the period of the Angevin reforms of the later twelfth century on the one hand to the early to mid-fourteenth on the other; the reasons for taking this span will, I hope, become clearer during the course of the chapter, but few would doubt that it has a validity.


1970 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 95-110
Author(s):  
Per Jonas Nordhagen

What was the part played by the artists (the craftsmen/painters) in the making of new iconographical types in the Early Middle Ages? Were have they given the design of what was to be illustrated all drawn up and ready for the hands of the program-makers? Or did they participate also in the work of selection from Scripture of the episode destined to be given pictorial form? This problem is rarely reflected upon in the literature on the period, yet it calls for a clarification. A cluster of newly created or revised New Testament scenes occurs in the art of Rome shortly after the year 700 A.D., a phenomenon which opens for a study of the collaboration which took place between the artists/craftsmen and the other partakers in the process of image-creation. This is the rationale for a renewed inspection of this extraordinary series of iconographical innovations, which as must be accentuated, were o leave their imprint on Byzantine art of the successive centuries.


1975 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 131-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. D. Hartzell

The most famous manuscripts with music of the early Middle Ages in England are the Winchester ‘Tropers’ at Oxford and Cambridge. More has been written about them than about all the lesser known sources put together, and it is right that this should have been so, for the troper at Cambridge preserves one of the oldest repertories of polyphonic music while the other, the so-called ‘Æthelred troper’, has provided generations of scholars with the task of establishing its relationship to the other manuscript. This activity has resulted in a high degree of clarification, but the Winchester ‘Tropers’ are not the whole of early English medieval music – even though a study of their combined trope repertories would be a welcome contribution – and we must begin to turn our attention to other sources of the period.


Author(s):  
Hrvoje Gračanin

The paper endeavours to discuss anew a scholarly puzzle related to the Croatian early Middle Ages and centred on a few lines from Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos’s De administrando imperio, which in English translation are as follows: And of the Croats who arrived to Dalmatia one part separated and ruled Illyricum and Pannonia. And they also had an independent ruler who was sending envoys, though only to the ruler of Croatia from friendship. Taking a different approach from the complete dismissal of the two sentences as a pure fiction or a mere literary device, the paper instead attempts to trace the concept behind this account as well as its underlying meaning. On the one hand, it seeks to detect the methods or strategies used by the royal compiler in trying to elucidate the past. On the other hand, it aims to provide a thorough historical analysis and offer a possible interpretation in opposition to the view, still largely extant in the Croatian scholarship, that this account is an evidence for an early presence of the group called Croats in southern Pannonia.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135-139
Author(s):  
Paweł Lis ◽  
Krzysztof Wasilczyk

Several pits, the remains of wood tar production using the so-called ‘vessel-less method’, were discovered in the Lublin region. They contained objects related to the early Middle Ages. These discoveries were used as the base for experiments run in 2013 in the experimental archaeology centre at Grodzisko Żmijowiska. The first experiment involved the acquisition of wood tar from birch bark, while the other attempts were aimed at extracting tar from pine stumpwood. The experiments were conducted in a shallow pit that was plastered with clay and had a small depression at its bottom used as a container for the tar, separated from the pit by a clay strainer. The raw material gathered in the pit was covered with a clay dome. When the dome was dry, it was slowly heated up with burning wood to the right temperature which was checked inside the dome with a thermocouple. Both processes were conducted successfully. The results were compared with experiments focused on the production of wood tar using the two-vessel method known in the early Middle Ages. The comparison showed that the vessel-less method is less economical due to the amount of fuel used and almost three times less efficient in terms of the raw material to final product ratio. However, it is very simple technically and allows the effective production of wood tar.


1965 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 54-77
Author(s):  
J. N. Bakhuizen Van Den Brink

In the two ninth-century treatises on the Eucharist written by Paschasius Radbertus and Ratramnus two opinions are expressed which seem to be in complete contradiction with each other. Both, however, are founded in the liturgy of the Church and spring from the same orthodox root. Their doctrines, therefore, do not differ from each other in every detail of the argumentation. The one may be characterised as the realistic-metabolic doctrine, the other as the symbolic doctrine. J. R. Geiselmann in his penetrating studies of the eucharistic doctrine in the early Middle Ages prefers to distinguish between three tendencies: (1) the metabolism of St Ambrose and the Gallican liturgies; (2) the realism of the Roman liturgy; (3) the dynamism of St Augustine’s more spiritual doctrine. The most diverse answers were inspired by closer inquiries into the realisation of the sacrament, i.e. the question firstly how the conversion of the elements should be understood and, secondly, how the relation should be seen between the consecrated elements and the body of Christ ascended to heaven. In these answers the terminology used is not always the same, so that a reliable interpretation offers great difficulties.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-302
Author(s):  
Étienne Doublier

Abstract This article focuses on the connections between prayer and indulgence established in the 13th and 14th centuries. Since the Early Middle Ages, practices of prayer played a significant role in the ecclesiastical system of penance. They were supposed to provide salvation by redeeming the devotee from sins. With the advent of indulgence, the salvific value of prayer became more closely entangled with the authority of the papacy and the bishops. Generally speaking, papal indulgences were very standardized, and thus only few practices of prayer are mentioned in the respective documents. Episcopal grants of indulgence, on the other hand, were influenced more strongly by their recipients and can thus be more detailed. Two types of prayer indulgences were especially successful: first, indulgences for venerating the Veronica and other holy images, and secondly, indulgences granted to those praying for the King’s salvation.


Author(s):  
Евгения Михайловна Карлова

Основной комплекс джайнских архитектурных памятников лежит в целом в контексте общеиндийской традиции, представляя собой симметрично-осевые храмы с расположенными друг за другом одной или несколькими мандапами и гарбха-грихой. Оформлены они обычно в едином стиле с памятниками соответствующей эпохи и локализации. Некоторые стандартные для индийского храмового строительства элементы в джайнских памятниках акцентируются или приобретают особое значение. В центральной и западной Индии в раннем Средневековье начинает складываться особый тип центричного джайнского храма - чатурмукха, который достигает наивысшего развития в памятниках периода Соланки. Пик его развития совпадает с взлетом джайнской диаспоры в этот период, сопровож давшимся активным строительством. Тогда же высшей точки достигает своеобразный стиль архитектурной декорации, получивший название «стиль Мару-Гурджара» и прочно ассоциирующийся нынче именно с джайнскими памятниками.Храм типа чатурмукха выражает базовые принципы джайнской космологии и как отдельными частями, так и в целом соотносится с описанным в священных текстах сакральным пространством. Одно из важнейших понятий мистической географии джайнизма, самвасарана, воплощается в архитектуре как часть гарбха-грихи, но может выступать и как отдельно стоящее сооружение в рамках храмового комплекса. В дальнейшем тип храма чатурмукха не получил широкого распространения, в отличие от некоторых декоративных элементов стиля Мару-Гурджара. Их формальное повторение в сочетании со стремлением к воплощению на земле сакральной географии - отличительная черта джайнской архитектуры Нового и Новейшего времени. The main complex of Jain architectural monuments lies in the context of the general tradition of Indian temple architecture, representing symmetrico-axial temples with one or several mandapas and a garbha-griha located one behind the other. They are usually decorated in the same style as the monuments of the respective epoch and localization. Some standard elements of Indian temple construction in Jain monuments are emphasized or take on particular significance. A special type of centric Jaina temple, chaturmukha, originated in central and western India in the early Middle Ages. It reached its highest degree of development in the monuments of the Solanki period. The peak of its development coincides with the rise of the Jain diaspora during this period, accompanied by active construction. At the same time, the original style of architectural scenery, called the “Maru-Gurjara style” and strongly associated with Jain monuments, reaches its highest point. The chaturmukha-type temple expresses the basic principles of Jaina cosmology and, both as individual parts, and as a whole, corresponds with the sacred space described in the sacred texts. One of the most important concepts of the mystical geography of Jainism, samvasarana, is embodied in architecture as part of the garbha-grikha, but it can also act as a separate building within the temple complex. In the future, the type of temple chaturmukha would not receive widespread popularity, unlike some decorative elements of the style of Maru-Gurjara. Their formal repetition combined with the desire to incarnate sacred geography on earth is a distinctive feature of the Jain architecture of the New and Modern times.


1978 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 79-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pauline Stafford

In this year (975) Edgar, king of the English, reached the end of earthly joys, chose for him the other light, beautiful and happy and left this wretched and fleeting life’ (ASC MS A). Edgar died in his thirty-second year. He had ruled the whole of England for sixteen years, since the age of sixteen, and the northern parts of it at least since the age of fourteen. He left three known surviving children, each by a different mother. Eadgyth, his daughter, was abbess of the nunnery at Wilton, appropriately enough since she was the daughter of the nun Wulfthryth. He left two sons. The eldest Edward the martyr was the son of his first marriage to a lady named Aethelflaed. Edward’s mother was dead or otherwise disposed of by 975. She had disappeared early in the reign, before Edgar took as his wife and queen the lady Aelfthryth in 964. Aelfthryth was the mother of two sons: Edmund, who pre-deceased his father in 972, and Aethelred, better known to history as Aethelred Unraed. The reputation which has attached to the mild Aethelred would hardly apply to his mother, who involved herself with great purpose in the advancement of her two sons. Aethelred was at most nine years old in 975, making all possible allowance for the speedy consummation of his mother’s marriage and the birth of his elder brother. We do not know the age of Edward, but he is called a ‘child ungrown’ in MS C of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which should make him no more than twelve, the age of social maturity in tenth century England. These two children, or more accurately their supporters, immediately flung themselves into a battle for the throne.


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