The Present Moment: Religious and Political Identities in the Contemporary United States

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (02) ◽  
pp. 417-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brianna Remster ◽  
Rory Kramer

AbstractWhile prisoners cannot vote, they are counted as residents of the often rural legislative districts where they are incarcerated rather than their home districts. We examine the extent to which incarceration shifts the balance of a representative democracy by considering its impact on legislative apportionment. Drawing on data from the Census, Pennsylvania Department of Corrections, and Pennsylvania Redistricting Commission, we develop a counterfactual framework to examine whether removing and returning prisoners to their home districts affects equal representation. Because prisoners are disproportionately African American, we also employ this counterfactual to assess racial differences in the impact of prison gerrymandering. Findings indicate that incarceration shifts political power from urban districts to suburban and rural districts through legislative apportionment. Moreover, non-White communities suffer the most. We conclude by considering how our findings fit a growing literature on the role of mass incarceration in [re]producing racial inequalities in the contemporary United States.


2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (107) ◽  
pp. 12-51
Author(s):  
Janet Lyon

Manifestoes and Public Spheres: Probing Modernity:In this article Janet Lyon shows that the manifesto form is both a liberatory genre that narrates in no uncertain terms the incongruous experience of modernity of those whose needs have been ignored or excluded in a putatively democratic public culture, as well as a genre of rigid binaries creating audiences through a rhetoric of exclusivity, parceling out political identities across a polarized discursive field. Through readings of the tracts of the Diggers and Levellers of 1650 and the 1992 Dyke Manifesto, Lyon argues that when the conditions emerged for a possibility of an ideology of a universal subject with universal rights and sensibilities – that is, when political and economic developments in post-Enlightenment Europe generated the modern concepts of equality and rational autonomy – the manifesto arose as a public genre for contesting or recalibrating the assumptions underlying this newly ‘universal’ subject. In this influential instantiation, the manifesto is the form that exposes the broken promises of modernity: If modern democratic forms claim to honor the sovereignty of universal political subjecthood, the manifesto is a testimony to the partiality of that claim. The discussion isolates and explores some of the consistent formal features of the manifesto – its selective and impassioned chronicle of the oppression that has led to the present moment of rupture; its forceful enumeration of grievances; its epigrammatic style  – and then shows how the repetition of these structures and locutions across myriad political epochs attests to the form’s capacity to serve as a multiaccentural ideological sign, one that can be evoked in any number of struggles, on any number of sides.


1987 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 249-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Glenn C. Loury

This essay is about the ethical propriety and practical efficacy of a range of policy undertakings which, in the last twenty years, has come to be referred to as “affirmative action.” These policies have been contentious and problematic, and a variety of arguments have been advanced in their support. Here I try to close a gap, as I see it, in this “literature of justification” which has grown up around the practice of preferential treatment. My principal argument along these lines is offered in the next section. I then consider how some forms of argument in support of preferential treatment, distinctly different from that offered here, not only fail to justify the practice but, even worse, work to undermine the basis for cooperation among different ethnic groups in the American democracy. Finally, I observe that as a practical matter the use of group preference can, under circumstances detailed in the sequel, produce results far different from the egalitarian objectives which most often motivate their adoption.It may seem fatuous in the extreme to raise as a serious matter, in the contemporary United States, the question “Why should we care about group inequality?” Is not the historical and moral imperative of such concern self-evident? Must not those who value the pursuit of justice be intensely concerned about economic disparities among groups of persons? The most obvious answer to the title question would seem, then, to be: “We should care because such inequality is the external manifestation of the oppression of individuals on the basis of their group identity.”


Author(s):  
Kimberly R. Wagner ◽  
Brady Alan Beard

Due to Habakkuk’s ahistoricity, communities and interpreters throughout the ages have applied the prophetic book to their present situations and concerns. This essay follows in the interpretive footsteps of those who have come before by considering how Habakkuk might be a valuable resource to contemporary posttraumatic prophetic preachers in this present moment. Given the rising prevalence of mass shootings and gun violence in the United States, alongside seemingly endless occurrences of natural disasters, abuse, hate crimes, and other traumatic incidents, it is no longer a question of if a preacher or pastor will need to address trauma or a traumatized congregation, but when. The essay argues that Habakkuk may serve as a valuable resource to address contemporary homiletical concerns, specifically how preachers might conceive of “posttraumatic prophetic preaching” in the midst of congregations experiencing communal trauma. In particular, Habakkuk may help preachers as they seek to locate themselves and reflect on their communal responsibilities after a traumatic incident as well as provide an eschatological theological orientation from which to preach.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 403-419 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sami Schalk

The article analyzes the representation of disabled veterans in James Cameron’s Avatar and Duncan Jones’s Source Code. The argument is that these two films use the figure of the heroic, technologically enhanced, white disabled veteran man to alleviate cultural anxieties, fears, and guilt about veterans and disabled people in the contemporary United States. In doing so, however, Avatar and Source Code perpetuate a disability hierarchy that reinforces a variety of oppressive cultural norms. The article, therefore, demonstrates how the films reflect the differential valuation and treatment of different kinds of disabled people in American culture at large via the genre of science fiction and its technological imaginative possibilities.


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